Tag Archives: David. A. O’Neil

DOJ National Security Division Issues First-Ever Declination Under Enforcement Policy

by Satish M. Kini, David A. O’Neil, Jane Shvets, Rick Sofield, Douglas S. Zolkind, Carter Burwell, Connor R. Crowley, and Hillary Hubley

Photos of the authors

Top left to right: Satish M. Kini, David A. O’Neil, Jane Shvets, and Rick Sofield. Bottom left to right: Douglas S. Zolkind, Carter Burwell, Connor R. Crowley, and Hillary Hubley. (Photos courtesy of Debevoise & Plimpton LLP)

Key Takeaways

  • Even in criminal national security matters, early self-reporting, remediation and cooperation can enable companies to avoid prosecution and penalties.
  • Federal enforcement agencies are continuing to collaborate in investigating and prosecuting criminal cases at the intersection of national security and corporate crime.
  • Multinational corporations and academic institutions should be aware of the risk of outsiders fraudulently affiliating themselves with legitimate institutions to skirt export control laws.

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DOJ Announces Initiative to Combat AI-Assisted Crime

by Helen V. Cantwell, Andrew J. Ceresney, Avi Gesser, Andrew M. Levine, David A. O’Neil, Winston M. Paes, Jane Shvets, Bruce E. Yannett, and Douglas S. Zolkind

photos of the authors

Top (left to right): Helen V. Cantwell, Andrew J. Ceresney, Avi Gesser, Andrew M. Levine, and David A. O’Neil
Bottom (left to right): Winston M. Paes, Jane Shvets, Bruce E. Yannett, and Douglas S. Zolkind (photos courtesy of Debevoise & Plimpton LLP)

On February 14, 2024, Deputy Attorney General Lisa O. Monaco announced an initiative within the U.S. Department of Justice to ramp up the detection and prosecution of crimes perpetrated through artificial intelligence (AI) technology, including seeking harsher sentences for certain AI-assisted crimes. Monaco also announced a new effort to evaluate how the Department can best use AI internally to advance its mission while guarding against AI risks.

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SDNY Whistleblower Pilot Program Incentivizes Self-Disclosure and Cooperation

by Helen V. CantwellAndrew J. CeresneyAndrew M. LevineDavid A. O’NeilWinston M. PaesJane ShvetsBruce E. YannettDouglas S. ZolkindErich O. Grosz, and Rebecca Maria Urquiola

Photos of the authors

Top left to right: Helen V. Cantwell, Andrew J. Ceresney, Andrew M. Levine, David A. O’Neil, and Winston M. Paes.
Bottom left to right: Jane Shvets, Bruce E. Yannett, Douglas S. Zolkind, Erich O. Grosz, and Rebecca Maria Urquiola. (Photos courtesy of Debevoise & Plimpton LLP)

On Wednesday, January 10, 2024, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York (“SDNY”) launched the SDNY Whistleblower Pilot Program (the “Program”).[1] The Program seeks to incentivize individuals to report criminal wrongdoing—including corporate control failures, state and local bribery, and fraudulent dealings involving public funds—before SDNY learns of the conduct and to fully cooperate with any resulting investigations and prosecutions. U.S. Attorney Damian Williams encouraged individuals “to come clean, cooperate, and get on the right side of the law,” cautioning “[c]all us before we call you.”[2]

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Congress Passes Foreign Extortion Prevention Act, Targeting “Demand Side” of Foreign Bribery

by Kara Brockmeyer, Andrew M. Levine, David A. O’Neil, Winston M. Paes, Jane Shvets, Bruce E. Yannett, Douglas S. Zolkind, and Erich O. Grosz

Top left to right: Kara Brockmeyer, Andrew M. Levine, David A. O’Neil, and Winston M. Paes
Bottom left to right: Jane Shvets, Bruce E. Yannett, Douglas S. Zolkind, and Erich O. Grosz (Photos courtesy of Debevoise & Plimpton LLP)

On December 14, 2023, the U.S. Congress approved the Foreign Extortion Prevention Act (“FEPA”), which will make it a federal crime for any foreign government official to demand or receive a bribe from a U.S. citizen, resident or company in exchange for taking or omitting to take official action or conferring any improper business-related advantage.[1] This legislation, which is part of the National Defense Authorization Act and expected to be signed into law by President Biden, substantially expands U.S. enforcement authority with respect to foreign bribery and aligns with the Biden Administration’s elevation of anti-corruption enforcement to a national security priority.

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Supreme Court Repudiates “Right-to-Control” Theory Under the Federal Wire Fraud Statute

Editor’s Note: The NYU Law Program on Corporate Compliance and Enforcement (PCCE) is following the recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions in Percoco v. United States and Ciminelli v. United States, which narrow the scope of honest services fraud and eliminate the so-called “Right to Control” theory in federal fraud cases, respectively. Together, these two cases continue a trend of circumscribing the federal government’s ability to prosecute domestic public corruption in the United States. 

by Helen V. Cantwell, Andrew J. Ceresney, Courtney M. Dankworth, John Gleeson, David A. O’Neil, Winston M. Paes, Bruce E. Yannett, Douglas S. Zolkind, and Scott M. Caravello

Photos of the authors

From top left to right: Helen V. Cantwell, Andrew J. Ceresney, Courtney M. Dankworth, John Gleeson, and David A. O’Neil. From bottom left to right: Winston M. Paes, Bruce E. Yannett, Douglas S. Zolkind, and Scott M. Caravello.
(Photos courtesy of Debevoise & Plimpton LLP)

On May 11, 2023, the United States Supreme Court issued its latest opinion in a series of decisions narrowing the scope of the federal fraud statutes.  In that case, Ciminelli v. United States, the Court foreclosed prosecutors’ ability to pursue fraud charges for misrepresentations that did not result in financial harm, but instead deprived victims of information that may have been useful in deciding how to use assets.  In repudiating this theory, known as “right-to-control,” a unanimous Court held that the federal fraud statutes touch only schemes aimed at traditional property interests, like money, and not “mere information.”  To have held otherwise would have meant that “almost any deceptive act could be a crime.”  

Going forward, the Department of Justice will not be able to prosecute a defendant for engaging in mere deceptive or unethical conduct, but must additionally prove that the defendant’s objective was to deprive the victim of money or property.

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DOJ Updates Guidance on Evaluating Corporate Compliance Programs

by Matthew L. Biben, Kara Brockmeyer, Helen V. Cantwell, Andrew J. Ceresney, Andrew M. Levine, David A. O’Neil, David Sarratt, Jonathan R. Tuttle, Mary Jo White, Bruce E. Yannett, Lisa Zornberg, Ryan M. Kusmin, and Jil Simon

On April 30, 2019, Assistant Attorney General Brian Benczkowski announced an updated version of the Evaluation of Corporate Compliance Programs (the “Updated Guidance”).[1] This Updated Guidance supersedes a document of the same name that the Fraud Section of DOJ’s Criminal Division published online in February 2017 without any formal announcement (the “2017 Guidance”). Although not breaking much new ground, we believe the Updated Guidance can serve as a valuable resource for those grappling with how best to design, implement, and monitor an effective corporate compliance program.

In contrast to the 2017 Guidance—which listed dozens of questions to consider in evaluating a compliance program without providing much context—the Updated Guidance employs a more holistic approach. It focuses on three fundamental questions drawn from the Justice Manual:

  • Is the corporation’s compliance program well designed?
  • Is the program implemented effectively?
  • Does the program work in practice?[2]

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The Future of Anti-Corruption Enforcement Involving Brazil and the United States

by Bruce E. Yannett, David. A. O’Neil, Andrew M. Levine, Kara Brockmeyer, and Daniel Aun

The beginning of the year allows us to look back at recent developments in the white collar front involving Brazil and the United States, and prompts us to consider what to expect going forward, especially in light of the election of President Jair Bolsonaro and the appointment of former judge Sergio Moro as Minister of Justice. 

Lava Jato, Carne Fraca, and Zelotes are among the Brazilian anti-corruption operations that have echoed in the United States over the last few years.  Intensified cooperation between authorities in the two countries has fueled countless investigations, settlements, convictions, and related civil litigation.  U.S. criminal enforcement also has reverberated in Brazil, with the FIFA prosecutions being perhaps the most headline-making example.  Continue reading