Nanying Li
In recent years, there has been an increase in Chinese families moving into urban centers in search of higher salaries and work opportunities, thus creating two groups of children with distinct experiences – migrant children and left-behind children (All-China Women’s Federation, 2013; Guo et al., 2015; Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014). In particular, while migrant children move with their parents to the city (Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014), left-behind children remain in their rural homes with a caretaker, and have one or both parents who live and work in the city (Su, Li, Lin, Xu, & Zhu, 2013). Despite their different experiences, research suggests that both migrant children and left-behind children experience unique challenges that place them at greater risk for lower overall well-being. Migrant children tend to experience trouble adjusting to their new environment, as their rural values are confronted with urban values (Guo, Yao, & Yang, 2005; Shen, 2006; Zhou, 2002), and are thus likely to exhibit high levels of depression and loneliness (Fan et al., 2009; Guo et al., 2015; Mao & Zhao, 2012; Wong et al., 2009). Similarly, left-behind children also experience higher levels of anxiety, depression (Chen, Wang, & Wang, 2009; Liu, Li, & Ge, 2009), and loneliness (Liu et al., 2007; Ren & Shen, 2008; Su et al., 2013; Yeung & Gu, 2016). As Chinese families continue to migrate to urban centers at high rates, and the number of children who are influenced by parental migration increases, it is imperative to study the cultural, systemic (e.g., resource-based), and family-specific (e.g., age of migration) factors that are related to the well-being of migrant and left-behind children (Stone Feinstein & Ward, 1990; Su et al., 2013; Ward & Kennedy, 1992). As such, this literature review addressed the following research question: What factors contribute to the development of loneliness and depression among Chinese migrant and left-behind children?
Migrant Children
Migrant children experience high levels of loneliness and depression due to difficulties in sociocultural adjustment (Guo, Yao, & Yang, 2005), the successful management of differences between host and origin cultures (Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). Migrant children’s ability to navigate host and origin cultures is often challenged as their rural values of family responsibility conflict with urban values of individuality (Guo et al., 2005; Shen, 2006; Zhou, 2002). These differences in values, in turn, can lead migrant children to perceive themselves as marginalized individuals, placing them at greater risk of facing loneliness (Guo et al., 2005).
In addition, research has underscored two divergent groups of migrant children – permanent migrant children in urban public schools, and temporary migrant children in migrant schools (Liang & Chen, 2005; Lu & Zhou, 2012) – who might experience differences in loneliness and psychological adjustment. While migrant children benefit from urban “Hukou” (i.e., household registration system) privileges, such as nine years of free education before high school and free healthcare, temporary migrant children do not receive the advantages associated with urban “Hukou” (Liang & Chen, 2005; Lu & Zhou, 2012). Thus, compared to permanent migrant children, temporary migrant children’s parents have to work longer hours to be able to pay for their children’s school fees and healthcare, and might be less likely to focus on tending to their children’s emotional needs (Guo et al., 2005; Guo et al., 2015; Hu, Lu, & Huang, 2014). This lack of physical and emotional availability, in turn, is associated with greater levels
of depression and loneliness among migrant children (Guo et al., 2005). As a result, migrant children, whose caregivers tend to be less actively engaged, might suffer most from the lack of positive parent-child relationships (Guo et al., 2015; Hagan, MacMillan, & Wheaton, 1996) – relationships which are crucial in offsetting the negative effects of migration (Guo et al., 2015; Hagan, MacMillan, & Wheaton, 1996).
Left-Behind Children
Left-behind children are also at risk of poor psychological well-being, especially when communication with their migrant parents is sparse (Fan et al., 2009; Gao et al., 2007; Guo et al., 2015; He et al., 2012; Hu et al., 2014; Liu et al., 2009; Su et al., 2013). Nevertheless, parents who migrate but frequently communicate with their left-behind children are more likely to make their children feel loved, cared for, and secure (He et al., 2012; Hu et al., 2014; Man et al., 2017; Su et al., 2013), and ultimately less depressed (Gao et al., 2007; Su et al., 2013). These findings suggest that frequent communication can be a helpful strategy for migrant parents, especially in reducing feelings of loneliness and depression among their left-behind
children (Gao et al., 2007; Su et al., 2013).
Left-behind children’s experiences, however, also
differ depending on whether they have one or two parents migrating, the duration of separation, and the age at which their parents leave. Most studies find that children with both parents migrating tend to endure longer periods of separation, feel lonelier, and have higher levels of depression than children with only one parent migrating (Gao et al., 2007; Hu et al., 2014; Liu et al., 2009; Su et al., 2013; Xu et al., 2017). Parents who migrate are not able to act as a constant, secure figure for their children, which in turn, instills a sense of hopelessness (Bowlby, 1951; Hu et al., 2014). According to Bowlby’s attachment theory (1952, 1969), children experience intense distress and hopelessness if they do not feel securely attached to their parents. A secure attachment style is characterized by a child’s confidence in his or her caregiver’s likelihood of returning after a period of separation (Bowlby, 1951, 1969). Left-behind children below the age of three may form insecure attachments after prolonged and repeated patterns of separation, and will have more difficulty adapting to change (He et al., 2011; Liu et al., 2009). In fact, research suggests that children whose migrant parents leave before they turn the age of three are more likely to experience feelings of loneliness and depression than those whose parents migrate when their children are older (Fan et al., 2009; He et al., 2011; Hu et al., 2014; Liu et al., 2009; Su et al., 2013). Thus, length of parent-child separation might also be a factor in left-behind children’s well-being (Xu et al., 2017). These findings imply that, in order to best support the psychological well-being of left-behind
children, it might be crucial for parents to communicate frequently with their children, make them feel secure, and avoid separation in the earlier years.
Conclusion
Overall, several factors contribute to the psychological well-being of left-behind and migrant children. Nonetheless, there exists a lack of research on left-behind children’s relationships with their caretakers, despite findings that suggest caretaker education, age, and child-rearing style might also influence children’s mental health outcomes. Furthermore, current research focuses on the quantity of parent-child communication in migrant families, but does not explore the quality of communication. Thus, further research should focus on the quality of parent-child communication (i.e., beyond the frequency of communication) in migrant families, and its association with children’s experiences of loneliness and depression. Finally, further studies should investigate the experiences of migrant and left-behind children in other Chinese provinces, in order to delineate more effective ways to support this growing population.
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