The Impact of Stereotypes on Girls’ Career Choices

Katie Mundt

Discrepancies in the occupations held by men and women persist, despite the fact that more women are entering the workforce than ever before (Schieder & Gould, 2016). Specifically, women are underrepresented in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields (Beede et al., 2011), which results in both social and economic consequences, such as women losing key pathways for innovation and opting out of the higher-paying jobs present in such fields (Shuster & Martiny, 2016). The most prominent factor influencing girls to choose stereotypical career paths in healthcare, early education, and domestic (HEED) fields appears to be gender stereotypes, which are widely held beliefs and expectations about acceptable behaviors for males and females (Schieder & Gould, 2016). Beginning in early childhood, girls internalize negative gender stereotypes about their academic abilities, and these beliefs persist throughout essential periods of development, ultimately influencing their academic motivations and subsequent career choices (Olsson & Martiny, 2018). Additionally, the paucity of prominent female STEM professionals, who could serve as role models for young girls to emulate, contributes to girls’ acceptance of stereotypes and later pursuit of traditional gendered jobs (Morgenroth et al., 2015; Olsson & Martiny, 2018; Shin, 2016). In order to increase gender equality in the STEM fields, there must be a more robust understanding of how gender stereotypes impact girls’ motivation and perceptions of themselves, which leads to the question: How does exposure to gender stereotypes and female role models influence girls’ academic self-concept and subsequent career decisions?

Gender Stereotypes and Academic Self-Concept

Gender stereotypes regarding academic abilities, such as the common notion that females are innately bad at science and math, are largely influential in girls’ career decisions (Nosek et al., 2008). The internalization of these negative stereotypes later contributes to girls’ academic self-concept (i.e., evaluations of their academic abilities and performance; Ertl et al., 2017). Academic self-concept, in turn, influences career decisions through the expectancy-value theory of achievement motivation, which posits that people make decisions about which activities to pursue based on their beliefs about how well they will perform (Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). According to this theory, girls will be motivated to choose courses of study for career paths that they believe they will thrive in based on the stereotypes with which they are presented (Ertl et al., 2017; Wigfield et al., 2002). One specific way in which stereotypes negatively impact girls’ academic self-concept is through stereotype threat (i.e., the risk that members of traditionally marginalized groups might confirm a negative generalization about their group; Ertl et al., 2017; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Specifically, when girls are presented with and internalize stereotypes about their academic abilities, they tend to perform worse in science and math subjects compared to their male peers (Shapiro & Williams, 2012). It is precisely this combination of decreased performance and subsequent lower academic self-concept that disincentivizes girls to pursue STEM related studies and careers (Ertl et al., 2017; Rost et al., 2005; Shapiro & Williams, 2012; Steele & Aronson, 1995).

Gender stereotypes also influence academic self-concept through social relationships and interactions (Ertl et al., 2017; Rost et al., 2005). Specifically, parents and teachers project their own gender stereotypes onto children through their assessment and appraisal of academic abilities that align with the stereotype (Ertl et al., 2017). For example, when girls receive encouragement for their success in traditionally femaledominated subjects (e.g., English or history), they further internalize these stereotypes into their academic self-concepts (Ertl et al., 2017). Sometimes, these stereotypes exert such a powerful influence on girls’ perceptions of the world that they are unaware of opportunities in traditionally male sectors, such as STEM fields (Eccles, 1994). This lack of awareness may translate to a complete dismissal of nontraditional career paths (e.g., in STEM), further contributing to the gender gap (Eccles, 1994). Clearly, gender stereotypes perpetuated through social relationships have exceptional influence over girls’ academic self-concept, in turn leading them to pursue careers that align with traditional gender stereotypes to which they are exposed (Eccles, 1994; Ertl et al., 2017).

Female Role Models and Academic Self-Concept

Another determinant of academic self-concept is the absence or presence of role models (i.e., people in particular roles who exemplify ideal behaviors associated with their role). Moreover, the presence of a role model may have exceptional influence on members of disadvantaged groups (Morgenroth et al., 2015). Specifically, role models in nontraditional roles can break stereotypes, in turn altering girls’ perceptions of gender stereotypes and ultimately resulting in a more positive outcome for girls’ motivation to pursue nontraditional career paths (Olsson & Martiny, 2018; Quimby & DeSantis, 2006; Smith & Erb, 1986). Through observing counter-stereotypical role models similar to them (i.e., female professionals in science), girls’ attitudes toward their abilities and the roles they are fit to fill are altered (Gilbert, 1985; Stout et al., 2011). As attitudes about ability have been shown to predict career choices (Ertl et Gender & Development • 7 OPUS (2020) 11:2 al., 2017; Rost et al., 2005; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000; Wigfield et al., 2002), gender-similar role models may influence girls’ interest in STEM. Additionally, expposure to prominent female STEM professionals can increase young girls’ interest in the field through enhancing their sense of belonging and feelings of compatibility, which have been shown to be a largely influential factor in the pursuit and retention of certain fields of study among underrepresented groups, such as girls in STEM (Shin et al., 2016; Stout et al., 2011). Thus, the presence of female STEM role models has the potential to encourage more girls to pursue careers in the field (Olsson & Martiny, 2018; Shin et al., 2016).

While most of the literature supports theories regarding the benefits of role models (Olsson & Martiny, 2018; Quimby & DeSantis, 2006; Shin et al., 2016; Smith & Erb, 1986; Stout et al., 2011), there is a lack of literature exploring the opposite effects that may occur in their absence. Some researchers have theorized that the underrepresentation of women in STEM-related fields further contributes to stereotypes and may demonstrate that girls lack the necessary skills and abilities to perform well, making them unlikely to succeed (Olsson & Martiny, 2018). Further, the absence of prominent female figures in STEM may serve as a message to young girls that they do not belong in the field, because representation communicates compatibility (Shuster & Martiny, 2016). In the absence of a counter-stereotypical role model, girls are more likely to be exposed to traditional gender roles (i.e., social roles deemed appropriate for each gender), which would further contribute to gender stereotypical ability beliefs, ultimately leading girls to embrace these stereotypes and impacting future career goals (Eccles, 1994; Olsson & Martiny, 2018).

Role models can influence girls’ academic self-concept and subsequent behaviors through a variety of mechanisms. According to the Motivational Theory of Role Models, this influence can occur through three distinct ways: behavioral modeling, representing the possible, and inspiring goals (Morgenroth et al., 2015). A role model exhibits behavior modeling when they demonstrate a specific skill set that an aspirant (e.g., impressionable young person) observes and mirrors to develop that same skill set (Morgenroth et al., 2015). Beyond behavior modeling, a role model can serve as a representation of what may be achievable through their mere existence (Morgenroth et al., 2015). In a study seeking to confirm the mechanisms proposed by this theory, middle school girls’ sense of fit (i.e. sense of belonging) with STEM subjects was measured prior to and after exposure to female STEM leaders (i.e. role models; O’Brien et al., 2016). They found that girls who identified most strongly with their role models, in terms of gender, race/ethnicity, and interests, increased their sense of fit with STEM, further confirming the importance of role model exposure (O’Brien et al., 2016). Goal inspiration is unrelated to the other two mechanisms because, in this purpose, role models influence the adoption of new goals, as aspirants simply strive to be similar to their role models and develop goals accordingly (Morgenroth et al., 2015). Though these functions are related, they lead to distinct outcomes for the individuals being influenced (Morgenroth et al., 2015). Effective role models should provide all three functions to influence both goal setting and the achievement of extant goals to encourage more girls to pursue nontraditional careers in STEM (Morgenroth et al., 2015).

Conclusion

Gender stereotypes largely influence the increasing gender gap in STEM-related fields by leading girls to develop a negative academic self-concept relating to science and math subjects, which in turn decreases their motivation to pursue STEM-related activities (Ertl et al., 2017; Olsson & Martiny, 2017; Wigfield et al., 2002). The gender gap persists despite the fact that it is widely acknowledged and that many interventions have aimed to decrease the impact of gender stereotypes. Understanding the motivation behind girls’ early academic interests and choices can help to identify where interventions might be implemented to encourage interest and participation in STEM (Shin et al., 2016; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000; Wigfield et al., 2002). One key mechanism through which gender stereotypes are learned and internalized is the observance of role models, so exposure to counter-stereotypical role models presents a potential future intervention to address this growing issue (Olsson & Martiny, 2017; Shin, 2016). If girls are presented with negative ability stereotypes and observe role models in stereotypical gendered jobs in HEED fields, they will not feel compatible with STEM subjects, making them less likely to believe they will succeed and consequently less likely to pursue STEM careers (Olsson & Martiny, 2018; Shuster & Martiny, 2016; Wigfield et al., 2002). As discussed previously, exposure to counter stereotypical role models (e.g., female science teachers) may increase girls’ interest in STEM through enhancing their feelings of compatibility and altering their ability beliefs and in turn, their perception of the roles they are ought to fill (Gilbert, 1985; Olsson & Martiny, 2018; Shin et al., 2016; Smith & Erb, 1986). As role models have been shown to impact ability beliefs and perceptions of attainable goals, future research should focus on measuring girls’ beliefs, aspirations, and subsequent behavior relating to exposure of gender counter-stereotypical role models. This research may contribute to a more robust conclusion about the impact of stereotypes on girls’ career choices and help to address the problematic gender gap in STEM-related fields.

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