by Alice Anigacz
In New York City, 58% of adults and 40% of children are overweight or obese, and diabetes rates are on the rise. Hundreds of thousands of people visit food pantries every month.[1] Food and health challenges can be exacerbated in low-income neighborhoods, which often have limited access to healthy foods, both in terms of geography and affordability.
A 2008 study by the Department of City Planning (DCP) found that three million New Yorkers live in areas with what DCP defined as a “high need” for a supermarket. The same study found that low-income households must budget more time and money for groceries because of a lack of competitively priced fresh food options in their neighborhoods.[2] In such an environment, how can policies be structured to not only promote food access, but food equity, creating a food system that is both geographically accessible and affordable to the residents who need it most? Can the great tool of the urban planner—zoning—be used to create a city with more equitable health outcomes? Recent research suggests not—at least not in its current form.
In 2008, in response to the DCP study, New York City launched the Food Retail Expansion to Support Health (FRESH) program. In underserved areas zoned as FRESH districts (in reality, the majority of New York City), developers and grocery store operators can receive zoning (bonus floor area ratio, lower parking requirements) and financial (tax credits) incentives to develop or renovate grocery stores. As of 2013, the City had approved 16 FRESH projects, and expected the program (along with other recent initiatives such as NYC Green Carts) to improve health outcomes in impacted areas.
Residents of the targeted neighborhoods were more skeptical. As one opponent noted, “FRESH is a subsidy for supermarket chains, not poor people.”[3] The program regulations require minimum store size and provision of certain types of foods. However, the program does not regulate the relative cost of foods at participating grocery stores (think cost of fresh vegetables v. cost of sodas), or the chains of grocery stores that it funds (think Whole Foods v. Associated). Though FRESH funding of high-end groceries has not been a problem to date, a new high-end grocery store in a gentrifying low-income neighborhood could further limit the affordability of healthy foods, not expand it. As one storeowner near a gentrifying area explained, “We stock for what the neighborhood wants.”[4]
While a recent New York Times article shows that some residents are attempting to have their neighborhood grocers recognize their “want” for an affordable supermarket, research suggests that such a supermarket alone is unlikely to improve health.[5] A recent study of a neighborhood in the Bronx with a FRESH program-supported market suggests that the presence of a supermarket is not sufficient to change the eating habits of nearby households or the obesity rates of children.[6] If access alone is not enough to spur healthier choices, are there policy changes that could improve the long-term effects of putting a supermarket in an underserved area? In addition to more carefully considering the affordability of healthy foods at grocery stores funded through the FRESH program, the City should consider providing additional incentives to locate new supermarkets where they are often needed most (but least likely to locate): near public housing.
The New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) is on the verge of a historic financial crisis, causing it to investigate innovative approaches to quickly raise funds. One potential initiative is the sale and leasing of NYCHA open space. The agency aims to raise over $50 million per year from leasing parks, parking lots, and other open spaces.[7] Understandably, many residents have significant concerns about the removal of open space and what bringing market-rate retail or residential developments directly into their communities would mean for the affordability and character of their neighborhoods.[8] However, some of their concerns may be mitigated if the land is leased for uses that would benefit their community, such as affordable food retail.
Finally, while the FRESH program uses zoning proactively to affect health outcomes, other cities are using zoning as a preventative tool in the fight against obesity. In 2008, zoning was used to pass a moratorium on stand-alone fast food restaurants in South Los Angeles. While the moratorium has had limited impact to date, many of the reasons for its failure could be corrected through a stronger policy with fewer loopholes and more incentives to provide healthier prepared foods. A similar proposal was made in New York City in 2006, but ultimately failed on both technical and political grounds. Perhaps New York City can learn from the Los Angeles experience and make another effort at fast food zoning policies that complement the FRESH program.
New York City recognizes the impact of food access and awareness on diet and health, and is moving towards creating equity in food access across its neighborhoods. But the need for policies that can generate greater and faster impacts on health is clear.
[1] City of New York. (2013). New York City Food Policy: Annual Food Metrics Report of 2013. New York, NY: City of New York.
[2] New York City Department of City Planning. (2008). Going to market: New York City’s neighborhood grocery store and supermarket shortage. New York, NY: New York City Department of City Planning. Retrieved from http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/supermarket/index.shtml
[3] Freudenberg, N., McDonough, J. & Tsui, E. (2011). Can a Food Justice Movement Improve Nutrition and Health? A Case Study of the Emerging Food Movement in New York City. Journal of Urban Health: Bulleting of the New York Academy of Medicine, 88(4), 623-636. doi:10.1007/s11524-011-9598-x
[4] Williams, Keith. (2015, April 17). Promised a Supermarket Five Years Ago, a Housing Project is Still Waiting. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/19/nyregion/promised-a-supermarket-five-years-ago-a-housing-project-is-still-waiting.html?_r=0.
[5] Ibid.
[6] NYU Langone Medical Center. (2015, February 26). Impact of a Supermarket on Children’s Diets. ScienceDaily. Retrieved from www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2015/02/150226122330.htm.
[7] Navarro, Mireya. (2013, March 11). Tenants Worried By Plans to Build Near City Projects.
The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/12/nyregion/plan-to-lease-open-land-at-housing-projects-stirs-concern.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0.
[8] Ibid.