Category: Week

Final Reflection

 

When I first arrived to Spain, I somewhat had an idea of what kind of relationship I wanted to have with my faculty mentor and Servicio Domestico Activo. I’m a fairly independent person so I thought I would communicate with them when I needed to. Meeting with Sedoac for the first time gave me the impression that this idea would work just fine since the members have jobs and families to take care of, not just the organization. However, this also meant that every time I had an idea for their YouTube channel or their blog, it would take a few weeks for me to be able to discuss those ideas. Also, because I had many suggestions and posted on their Facebook account, I was sometimes seen as an intern, not a fellow. It was also kind of a foreign idea to me to be in a new country for the sake of doing research and learning. One of the sources of anxiety I had to deal with was having to learn that doing research is not always about excessive productivity, that I can be a passive observer/learner. Being a passive learner allowed me to not have an agenda when I met new people from Sedoac and other domestic work organizations; instead, I would listen to conversations and ask questions when I didn’t understand something. I sometimes felt like the author of On the Run, Alice Goffman (without all the problematic observer-participation, of course).

 

I also now have a different idea of what it means to be a sociologist. As a sociology major, I spend a lot of time sitting in front of a computer, reading research papers, compiling information and figuring out how different social phenomena are interconnected as I write. This summer, however, I spent a lot more time actually talking to the people I do research about. I think it is important to meet people who are often the participants or subjects in social research because it reminds why your research matters. I feel that many researchers have this robotic way of doing research because it is easy to lose sight of why you are interested in a certain phenomenon when all you have in front of you is data that you need to put together to answer a question. There’s often a disconnect between the researcher and the research participants that I think can be bridged by directly interacting with the participants. I have worked with researchers who make sweeping statements about the populations they are researching because, I think, not interacting with these populations dehumanizes them in a way.

 

I also learned to be more open to new ways of viewing things in order to gain a better understanding of domestic work in Spain. Domestic workers who are involved in activism do not only think about themselves but also about the families they take care of and the government. It is not only about gaining equal labor rights but about a country whose economy and social security system are failing people who need care services. Moreover, many of the people in these families have also provided care services to families in other European countries, which, I think, makes migrant care workers view the lack of labor benefits as a social issue, not just an individual matter. I hope to be able to conduct research in the future about the dynamic between the different sides of domestic work (the migrant worker, the person/family being cared for, the laws that influence their relationship) and how economic changes have affected how each side views domestic work.

A Story Map on Convention C189

 

 

In order to get a broader view on what C189 is and which countries support the convention (through ratification), I made this story map. I included some facts on immigration about these countries that may be of interest to people who may want to do research on the relationship between domestic work, immigration and labor rights.

Sedoac’s End-of-the-Summer Event

Everyone who attended the event- some new people joined the organization for the first time that day

Showing the first video I made for their YouTube channel.

Five of the main seven members (the board of directors)

Sedoac’s president (right) and Mujeres que Crean’s president (left). Sedoac is helping Mujeres que Crean establish their organization.

Servicio Domestico Activo usually has two workshops every month but this summer, they only had one. This was also their end-of-the-summer party before almost all of the members went on vacation, either with their own families or with the families they work for. The tradition for almost every family in Madrid is to go on vacation in August to another city in Spain that is not as hot as Madrid. I helped to make a presentation to introduce the new seven board of directors of Sedoac, and the three videos I made this summer were shown as part of a summary of events the organization has had since October of last year.

How do Domestic Worker Organizations in Madrid Demand a Right to the City?

 

This past week, I interviewed two women from my organization, Servicio Domestico Activo, as part of a mini-biography I’m planning to put together for their blog as my final project. Even though I have been to many of their meetings and events at this point, and have also had individual conversations with the members, I always learn something new or end up revising my views (and even biases) about domestic work. One of the things I learned from these two particular interviews is that unity is an essential part of Sedoac. Sometimes it may seem as if it is only a few people who are doing all the work and that everything would disintegrate were they to quit the organization. However, the reality is that even if it is true that the directive takes care of all the logistics, Sedoac still needs the rest of its members to fight for their cause and to just share their struggle. One of my interviewees explained that what brought her to the organization was realizing that she needed to be around other women who share her reality and who she can learn about how to change this reality with. I think that this is a sentiment that is shared among all the other domestic work organizations as well. They may have different perspectives on how to do things and this is why they are in separate organizations. Nevertheless, they know they need to come together during crucial points such when congress reviews el Convenio 189 every year and when they have to organize important events such as the International Congress. In fact, El Grupo Turin was precisely created so that the presidents of the different organizations can meet to plan such events. Additionally, every time these organizations receive a large amount of funds, or if they are being considered for a long-term study on domestic work, they are almost seen as a single group. For instance, there is a book being written about the migration stories of these women and it is funded by the Caixa Bank. This bank, in turn, gives funding to the organizations both separately and together. While I have been here, Sedoac has used this money to have a self-defense class and a movie night. All the organizations decided to use the funding to have an end-of-the-summer trip to a river outside of Madrid.

 

Nonetheless, one way in which Sedoac could do a better job in working together to include more people in their fight for labor rights is to make their events more inclusive. My faculty advisor pointed out to me that Sedoac never announces their meetings or events online and the only way I myself found out about them was by being added to their WhatsApp group chat. Believing that there is strength in unity and numbers to accomplish a common goal, I think, has to do a lot with making things accessible to as many people as possible. This makes me think about how feminism is a good concept in itself but it was not necessarily good for everyone until someone recognize that it needed to become intersectional. In the same manner, I think that demanding a right to the city, in David Harvey’s words, means to attempt to include as many people as possible who may benefit from achieving this right.

 

A Follow-up to Last Week’s Event in Malasaña

 

 

I made a video (subtitles in English are available) for my association’s YouTube channel about last week’s Change.org’s event in Malasaña. I recorded about 10 videos of the interviews being done by the news channels that were following El Grupo Turin’s members as they were dressing the statues as housekeepers. I edited these videos to capture the parts that highlighted how el Convenio 189 would promote the rights of domestic workers in Spain. Even though there was one news channel that followed the event consistently as we walked and took the Metro from one statue to the other, there were other news channels that were noticeably neither organized nor considerate about El Grupo Turin’s time or energy. The members were thankful to be getting the coverage that they wished they had gotten earlier in the summer, during El Festival at La Puerta del Sol, right before Congress reviewed el Convenio. Now, however, because one of the members, Rafaela Pimentel, had gotten 100.000 signatures on her Change.org petition in a month, their cause was starting to get much more attention. Nevertheless, one particular news channel wanted El Grupo Turin and the people who were volunteering in the event, like myself and people from other organizations, to do the work for them. They wanted us to email them videos of the event as it was happening even though they had failed be there at the agreed time. Later on, when the event ended at the Ministry of Employment and Social Security, the news channel was waiting outside because they had also failed to arrange the necessary documentation to get inside. Many of the members had to get to work after the event but still gave this news channel an interview.

A similar situation occurred yesterday, when I went to the same news channel with El Grupo Turin, where they had been told they were going to be in a 15-minute segment. It is a bit difficult to get to the channel in public transportation so they agreed to pick up the members at an agreed location but did not tell them how many people they could bring. So I had to wait for them at the channel to see if I could be allowed inside with them. They were also not told how many of them would be interviewed. We got there at 9:00 am and the segment was supposed to begin at 10:30 but it was pushed back to 11:30. I was sitting back in the audience with three of the members and decided to step out when the newswoman decided to ask the “four domestic workers” in the back a couple of questions. Because I had sensed that she intended to reduce the time of the segment, I decided to not take the space of the people who had need every opportunity they can get to make their cause visible. Nevertheless, the segment was only five minutes so the members were not able to discuss the topics they had planned to bring up during the interview. This kind of inconsiderate treatment is a reflection of how much the state disregards the importance of labor rights for domestic workers. 

Malasaña’s Statues and Digital Social Change

There are several bronze “urban statues” around Madrid, especially in the neighborhood of Malasaña, that depict ordinary people doing everyday things. There are many statues such as “the reader,” “the young woman walking” and “the student from Malasaña.” Some people have confessed to confusing these statues for people so I can see why it was ideal for El Grupo Turin, an organization Sedoac is part of, to make these statues come to life by dressing them like domestic workers. Yesterday, July 13th, at 8:30 am, five women from El Grupo Turin, including Sedoac’s president, decided to dress four of these statues with aprons, cleaning gloves and other cleaning supplies before going to the Ministry of Employment and Social Security. They were followed by several news chains such TeleMadrid and Televisión Española that asked them about their stories and also recorded the many songs they sang along the way. My favorite part of this event was when we took the metro on our way to the Ministry and Rafaela Pimentel started to sing about an undocumented woman named Adela who is suffering as a domestic worker because she does not have the same rights as other workers. The director of Change.org in Spain, Jose Antonio Ritoré, who I did not even know was part of Change.org, took the metro with us since he had to give us access to entering the Ministry and asked that I send him the video of the sing “Adela.”  I was also asked to scan my camera equipment along with those of the news chains before entering the Ministry and since I had been told about this event through a WhatsApp message in such an unofficial way, having to do this kind of legitimized the importance of the event. This also made me understand why Sedoac’s members get disappointed when news chains fail to show up to their events; in other words, having their interviews on television is an important way to visibilize their realities and what they are fighting for. Rafaela Pimentel is part of the organization “Territorio Domestico” and the person who started the petition on Change.org to ask the Spanish government to ratify El Convenio 189. This petition reached 100 thousands signatures so this event was a formal way to literally (we had 3 boxes filled with signatures) deliver these signatures to the Ministry of Employment and Social Security.

Change Through Collective Effort

 

Even though Servicio Domestico Activo organizes its workshops, activities and meetings solely through the effort of its directive, there are certain events and goals that Sedoac has recognized can only be achieved through collective effort. For instance, the Festival Reivindicativo or “Protest Festival” that is held at La Puerta del Sol on June of every year is organized by many other organizations such as El Grupo Turín, Mujeres que Crean, Las Brujas Migrantes, Las Feministas Comunitarias and La Asociación Pachamama Mujeres en Acción (APAMUAC). These groups were involved in planning the different aspects of the event such as organizing the cultural performances, reserving the space, getting the sound equipment and in promoting the event. I was able to videotape the event this year and Sedoac agreed to have the two videos I made of the festival posted on their YouTube channel. Although these organizations promote the rights of domestic workers within their respective groups of women in different ways, this is the time when they unite efforts to achieve their ultimate goal, that El Convenio 189 will be reformed.  Another important event for which these organizations come together is El Congreso Sobre Empleo de Hogar y Cuidados. This event was held for the first time last year on October 1st and since it was successful, an international Congreso is being planned for next year. El Congreso was a day long event where scholars, leaders from the different organizations and political leaders had presentations and discussions on labor rights and El Convenio 189.

 

El Grupo Turin was created in 2012 by the members of the domestic work organizations mentioned previously. Their main purpose, again, is to promote the regulation of domestic work legislation as proposed by El Convenio 189 through advocacy politics and social justice awareness. Most importantly, this group openly recognizes “the economic and social value of domestic work” and categorizes the ratification of El Convenio as “an end to exclusion and modern slavery.” Sedoac’s president, Carolina Elias, is part of El Grupo Turin so I was able to attend one of their meetings last week. The meeting was held at a seminar room in a community center that they are allowed to reserve on Saturday afternoons. I recognized many women there who had also been at the festival and learned about other organizations such as La Unión Sindical Obrera (USO) and el Territorio Doméstico. I also learned that the Saturday meetings always begin at 11:00 am but “they never say when it will end,” as one of the Sedoac members I had spoken to before informed me when an almost heated discussion ended abruptly, as did the meeting. An organization that is directly affiliated to the district was proposing that the organizations involved in El Grupo Turin can get an office space paid for by the district with the condition that their organization and El Grupo Turin become one organization. However, this was never in El Grupo Turin’s agenda and the members did not see why merging the two groups would be either necessary or beneficial to anyone. This would be an instance where an agreement, or simply an immediate agreement cannot be made because, perhaps, there are people who may have different interests from the main goal that was initially agreed on. This is to say that while El Grupo Turin’s main goal has always been the ratification of El Convenio 189, the district’s organization may view the established network this group has created as more valuable and its goal. This is a paradox in that while it is wrong to take credit or advantage of someone else’s hard-earned work, this is the only way Sedoac and the other organizations can further establish themselves by having a permanent location.

Allowing People to Take Ownership of Their Stories

Most of the scholarly work conducted on female domestic workers is qualitative, on the everyday stories of women whose lives revolve around unjust laws from political systems that never work in their favor. This means that while it has been helpful for me to read academic papers on this topic and to look at different legal documents on labor rights in Spain, I have found that the best way to do research on this is to listen to the women who do domestic work. Academic papers, by definition, cannot possibly capture the reality of people’s lives in their entirety so I feel fortunate to be able to be in constant communication with people whose lives I have read about. In other words, it is different to read about el Convenio 189 and the People’s Party while studying in New York than to meet the people who are fighting for el Convenio to be ratified. This, I think, is the most challenging part about being a qualitative researcher: to convey interview answers and ethnographic data in a way that both thoroughly analyzes the topic being studied but that also stays true to people’s realities.

Many academic papers I have read have been embellished with academic jargon in a way that almost reduces or standardizes people’s lives to a few social terms. This way of presenting research analysis or results can be efficient but it often seeks to arrive to a conclusion that has already been justified by other researchers. However, the most valuable thing I have learned in Madrid by simply listening to people’s conversations and opinions is that my Americanized way of viewing the world is not always necessarily the right, or common, way to view things. For instance, after attending a political forum organized by Servicio Activo Domestico, I mentioned to one of the members that the male political leaders invited to the event were extremely disruptive during the event. Some were mansplaining, interrupting women who were presenting their doctoral dissertations and going over their allotted speaking time even after the female moderator had told them, repeatedly, that they needed to end their statements. However, one of Sedoac’s members told me that these did not seem like negative actions to her and that, if anything, they made her feel challenged to argue for her own perspectives. Experiences such as this one have informed my research in that I now know that my interview questions should engage the participants in a way that will allow them to express their own views. In other words, I’m now conscious of my biases when it comes to identifying or discussing patriarchal behaviors that other people may not view as such.

Aside from the conversations I have had with the women from Sedoac and the events on domestic work I have attended, I have also found looking at legal documents to be helpful in understanding what Sedoac is fundamentally fighting for. Since 2011, there have been a series of laws and reforms that have both promoted and been detrimental to the social security benefits of domestic workers in Spain. Since these documents are extensive and use legal jargon in Spanish, it has been useful for me to study comparative papers or  summaries of these laws that are meant for domestic workers to have a better understanding of them. For instance, the “Ley 27/2011” and “Real Decreto 1620/2011” called for an update of social security benefits for domestic workers. Most importantly, the latter law established the regulation of work contracts of domestic workers. However, el Real Decreto 29/2012 basically requires domestic workers who work for less than 60 hors monthly to get contracts independently from their employers. The ratification of Convenio 189 would ensure that domestic workers have the same rights as any worker and that laws such as RD 29/2012 can be reversed.

What is SEDOAC fighting for?

 

Spain’s economy was booming in 2000 because of the loans the country had taken, specially from the World Trade Bank, so most Spaniards had well paying jobs and many of them were able to become part of the middle class. This resulted in a large wave of Latin American migration to Spain, which was encouraged by the government, in order to fill in work positions that were unwanted. However, since the country had to start paying back loans and politicians became involved in money laundering, the economy has been plummeting. Spaniards are now finding themselves forced to look for low paying jobs that may not exist or that are occupied by immigrants. However, more and more Latin American immigrants are returning to their home countries because of the increasing rate of unemployment in Spain. This is creating an economic crisis in Latin American communities that depend on remittances being sent from abroad. These transnational economic problems point to the larger phenomenon of globalization and, consequently, the global chain of care that brought the first generation of the seven SEDOAC members together in 2005. This chain makes female workers face their positions as undocumented immigrants whose labor rights are violated, as mothers whose children are being taken care of by a poorer mother in their home countries and as a motherly figure to children that are not her own.

The influx of female Latin American immigrants into Spain who mainly found employment in the informal sector of domestic work quickly found that they did not have labor rights. Even though there was a labor law that was ratified in 1985, this law excluded domestic workers. El Real Decreto 1424 gave all workers certain rights in regard to getting a fair salary, having access to unemployment benefits and annual leave. However, el Decreto was discriminatory against domestic workers by denying them these rights because they are part of the informal sector of the economy. Therefore, Convenio 189 de la OIT (International Labor Organization, as translated in English) was created on June of 2011at the international Labor Conference in Switzerland. Convenio 189 gives domestic workers labor rights and works to improve their conditions. Since 2011, 25 countries including Italy, Ireland, Germany, Ecuador and the Philippines have ratified this law. However, the current political party in Spain, the People’s Party, has been in power for two terms and this is the only party that is explicitly against the ratification of the Convenio. This is the main issue that my organization, SEDOAC (Servicio Domestico Activo), has been trying to push the government to pass for years. Every year, SEDOAC comes together with other domestic work organizations such as Brujas Migrantes (Migrant Witches) to organize a political discussion and a consecutive festival before this law is revisited by the government. This year, these events took place on June 16th and 18th and the government, once again, voted against el Convenio on June 19th. This was a devastating decision for the thousands of workers in Spain this law could benefit greatly. Nevertheless, SEDOAC is a comprehensive organization whose interest is not only to continue fighting for el Convenio but also to use educative workshops and events to teach domestic migrant women about their rights and, subsequently, to provide a space of empowerment and self-growth.

 

Sources:

 

“Ministerio de Empleo y Seguridad Social: Que España firme YA el convenio internacional que protege a las trabajadoras del hogar. @empleogob ‏.” Change.org. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 June 2017.

 

Moré, Paloma. “Cuidados a personas mayores en Madrid y París: la trastienda de la investigación.” Sociología del Trabajo 84 (2015): 85-105.

Immigrant Experiences

 

As a first-generation college student, I always occupy spaces and institutions that no one else in my family has had to learn how to navigate before. This is a fact that makes me stand out both when I’m in school in the city and when I return home in the Bronx. Even though I now understand the experiences of being a student in a private university and of living in a low-income neighborhood, I feel as though I do not quite belong in either one of these spaces. This is also the way I feel about being treated differently in my home country, the Dominican Republic, because I live in the United States; however, I know that Americans, and even the sons and daughters of immigrants, will never view me as “fully American.” Although this feels more personal to me than something that is just part of the immigrant experience, my time in Madrid so far has allowed me to think about this experience in a different light.

Because I had to learn to speak English and not Castellano, I never attempted to change my Dominican accent in Spanish. I never really felt the need to completely assimilate to American culture or to make my Spanish more “presentable.” Moreover, immigrant populations in New York City tend to create close knit communities where their cultures are celebrated and ties to their home countries are maintained. Even though every immigrant has to assimilate to a certain extent, immigrants in the US still have the freedom to decide which cultural practices to follow. However, Hispanic immigrants in Madrid, or the few immigrants I have met so far, seem not to think of assimilation as such a harmful thing to their cultural identities. Instead, many quickly adapt to the Spanish accent because “I found that people didn’t get my Spanish” or “you have to get accustomed to the country you move to, that’s just how it is.” I personally find this somewhat problematic because it follows the same colonial narrative where European standards are placed on a pedestal while everyone else is just “the other.” This is especially true for Dominican Spanish since our Spanish is like the African American Vernacular English (AAVE). Many Latin American countries do not recognize the Dominican Republic as being legitimately part of Latin America because of this. Moreover, this Eurocentric notion of a “better Spanish” is rooted in anti-blackness because many Dominicans are Afro-Latinos and Dominican Spanish slang terms are African inflected. This articulation of my background is barely ever considered by other Latinos so it follows that I’m extremely conscious of the spaces I occupy and the kind of language I use when I’m surrounded by people who may completely disregard this articulation. This consciousness has been somewhat heightened for me in Madrid but I have my organization as a safe space to be myself and, most importantly, to ask other Latin Americans about their cultural experiences in Spain.

Additionally, another way in which I may be viewed as an outlier, especially when I travel, is being a Hispanic woman whose purpose for traveling is not to find work. I feel as though living in Europe for research is a white privilege that my Latino high school classmates could only dream of achieving. I’m aware that my face is not the first one people think of when they are told about “a young researcher from New York City.” However, I hope that by doing this kind of work, I can fight this view of who Latinos are and what we are capable of. Many of the women in Servicio Activo Domestico (SEDOAC) have master’s and PhD degrees and some have even been the face of important social justice organizations in their home countries. Therefore, it is also essential to challenge the binary that immigrant women are either professionals or low wage workers. Instead, we have to think about the implications of being an immigrant and what kinds of economic and career advancement opportunities, if any, exist in the foreign countries immigrants attempt to make their new homes.