#medievaltwitter: Fake News, Documentary Sources, and Short-Form Writing Then and Now

These are remarks I prepared for a roundtable discussion on addressing modern topics in Medieval Studies classes held at the Inter-University Doctoral Consortium Medieval Studies Conference.

In the fall semester of 2016, I was teaching a CORE Cultures and Contexts course on medieval Spain. It happened that on the morning of November 9, I was slated to talk about the watershed year of 1391 which, following massacres and mass conversions, saw a sea change in the status of Jews in the Iberian Peninsula. The surprise result of the election and the next morning’s vandalism of a prayer space for Muslim students lent the campus a funerary air. In my experience here at NYU, a class on medieval Spain tends to attract two heritage populations: Muslim students and students from Spanish-speaking families. These students may be immigrants or the children of immigrants, they may be international students studying in New York from abroad, they may be third, fourth, or fifth generation Americans, they may be native English speakers or not, monolingual or linguistic polyglots. Despite the great diversity within these two student populations, one thing they have in common is that they belong to groups that had been the targets of hate speech, ridicule, threats, and fear-mongering throughout the election: the terrorists and the “bad hombres” of Donald Trump’s worldview. And the morning after we learned that this vision would be realized in the nation’s highest office, I had to ask my students, scared for their immediate safety and for their futures and shaken by the dystopian vision of what this place was quickly becoming, to care about the fourteenth century.

For those of you who are not immersed in the NYU undergraduate curriculum, our CORE program consists, in part, of three types of humanities courses: Cultures and Contexts, Texts and Ideas, and Expressive Culture. Students take a certain number of these and each section of each course is themed and taught by a member of faculty in a twice-weekly lecture format. These courses are designed for freshmen, although about half of our students delay completing this requirement until later in their career. For some, they are the only humanities classes they will take at NYU. For these reasons, one of my major goals in teaching in the CORE is that students use the literary materials from medieval Spain and the scholarship written on those materials to learn how to read critically and develop skills that will serve them as engaged and thoughtful citizens. As a goal for this particular type of class, this is even more important to me than anything they might learn about the Middle Ages per se. One of the episodes that comes up in the early weeks of this class is the ninth-century crisis of martyrdom provoked by Christians living in Arabic-speaking Córdoba; if my students can walk away from my class, log on to the New York Times and not assume, for example, that anyone who lives in an Arabic-speaking country is a Muslim, I consider that a success even if they forget the name of Paul Alvarus of Córdoba.

The days after the election presented an opportunity to challenge students to think critically about the kinds of rhetoric that had played a role in the campaign, within the framework of a medieval studies classroom. The most obvious form of writing to shape the discourse of the election was Donald Trump’s Twitter feed and the questions that it raised about audience, the mediation of text, and, in the form of fake news and Russian bots, forgery and reliability. Other parallel questions may be asked about tweets an medieval documentary sources with respect to genre, and with respect to the different kinds of impacts that different types of texts can have whether they are short or long, informal or formal, literary or documentary, or somewhere in between.  With Trump’s penchant for deleting and editing tweets possibly in contravention of the Presidential Records Act and the Library of Congress’ coetaneous announcement that it was not going to be able to archive all of the tweets that had ever been tweeted in spite of its initial plans to do so, it also invites questions about archival practice and about the serendipity of documentary survival. This is how I came to introduce Twitter into my medieval studies classroom as both a topic and a tool.

In the weeks running up to the election, the historian David Nirenberg gave an interview in which he recounted some of the experience of writing his first book, Communities of Violence. He described the extent to which he had become distanced from the very violence that marked the conflictive coexistence of the Jewish and Christian populations of northern Spain and southern France that was the subject of his book; he had come to think of the details as exaggerated strategies of rhetoric rather than records of the reactions of medieval people to the violence they endured in their communities. He comments:

“All the documents talked about this massacre, but none of them gave any numbers. I came to the conclusion that this probably was not a big massacre. It happened in a tiny town in the middle of the mountains. They probably were talking about it as a massacre in order to justify the fines on the populace… On my last day of research in this archive, I came across one scrap of 14th century paper which said that dozens of people—300 or so, I think—were killed in the village. It even described how some were dragged from under their beds, and how their throats were slit. I suddenly realized that I had constructed this explanation which minimized this event, even though the full extent of the terror was only visible on that one little piece of 14th century paper.”

Nirenberg then connected this experience to reading study showing that Twitter was contributing to the uptick of hate-speech in the United States. Again quoting from that interview:

“I felt this way when I was forwarded this Twitter study, that I had pooh-poohed the effects of a technology I don’t really understand, when in fact it may very well conceal something much larger… We should probably worry more about something like these tweets because we’re in a space in which the use of anti-Judaism as a way of fantasizing the perfection of the world is already becoming very powerful.”

In other words, on Novermber 9, 2016, I tried to help my students connect to the Middle Ages when their minds were preoccupied with life-and-death matters of the modern by asking them to assess the capacity of micro-short-form writing, whether medieval or modern, not only to capture the Zeitgeist but also to provide details that we find in no other type of source.

Translation Notes 2:2: Translating Languages in Contact

One of the challenges that I’m confronting in my translation project is how to render words into English that, in Spanish, preserve very clearly not only their Arabic etymology but the specificity of their meaning relating to the society and culture of the Islamic period in Spain. For now, some preliminary thoughts and problems. Eventually, perhaps, a proper essay.

Some of the words that come from Arabic also exist in English:

Mozárabe: We have the word Mozarab in English, but it’s not going to resonate for Anglophone readers as it does for Spanish readers, especially those who inhabit a country where one can still regularly attend Mass celebrated according to the Mozarab rite. The text introduces the Mozarabs in such a way that it’s not a problem. They may not feel as familiar to English readers, but those readers won’t really lose out on anything in this case.

Mesquino: I love being able to translate this as mesquin and keep the Arabic etymology of the Spanish word in place in the English.

However, there are also words that are more complicated to translate while preserving the linguistic and cultural layers that they encode.

Alcázar: Sure. It’s perfectly fine just to translate this word into English as castle, but in doing so, it loses the traces of the Arabic morphology and root — al-qasr — that are preserved in the Spanish; and for a text like this, where we are very much talking about castles built by people riffing on ideas of Arab identity, it’s important for that layer to be there.

Muladí: This is a hispanization of the Arabic word muwallad, which refers to non-Arabic Muslims, often from convert families. Between Heinrichs, Hitchcock, and Glick, there are some interesting discussions on how to translate the term, including the option “indigenous Muslims.” In literary non-fiction, though, these academic solutions lose the euphony of the Arabic that persists in the Spanish. Mulatto seems like it might be the best choice on this front; but it is not etymologically related in spite of how similar the two words might sound and, more importantly, it has such a different and specific set of connotations in English that I’m not sure it is usable in this context.

And then there are words that are regular, everyday words that the author highlights to help connect his Spanish-language readership to the Arabic substratum present in their own language. When he writes about the limits of urban political authority, he also gives his readers insight into the development of Spanish: “La única autoridad, nombrada por el cadí o directamente por el soberano, es el sahib al-suq, el señor del zoco, que se llamó luego muhtasib, de donde viene la hermosa palabra castellana almotacén.” To a Spanish-language reader, this is an illumination of her own language; to an English-language reader, it’s no more than a random factoid. Is my responsibility as a translator to leave it as written or to try to find a parallel example that will resonate with English readers in the same way the original resonates with Spanish readers?

España Es Diferente: Neo-Medievalism Edition

This is a lightly edited version of the comments that I made following Eric Calderwood’s talk at the Colubmia Workshop “Sites of Religious Memory in an Age of Exodus: The Western Mediterranean.” Part of the reason I’m posting my response is precisely because it is dependent upon reading his new book, Colonial al-Andalus, which I want to encourage. There are many people in medieval studies — especially those who are convinced that there is only one correct way to care about race, nation, and colonialism’s impacts upon the field and that people who work on Spain and North Africa and their modern-medieval legacies Don’t Do It Right ™ or at all — who would benefit tremendously from it. It’s also just fabulous and fascinating. So, go read the book and then come back to this as a response to chapter 6:

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Speaking in New York City about the use of al-Andalus as a site of memory in the creation of both a colonial and later an independent Morocco mediated by the visual vernacular of its architecture, it is almost impossible to avoid thinking about the reinstallation of the Islamic galleries at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the especially the creation of the Moroccan Court in 2011 and the ways in which the museum presented and justified the project. For those who don’t know the background: following upon the last major overhaul of its Islamic galleries in the 1970s which showed a real drive, innovative at the time, toward displaying Islamic art not as craft but as art on a par with the European objects in the collection, the Met, in the 8-year reimagining of the galleries culminating in 2011, moved its presentation of the artworks more towards accessibility, relevance, and cultural-historical contextualization. One of the centerpieces was the creation, de novo, of a Moroccan courtyard by Moroccan artists, designers, and craftsmen, with consultation from curators and architectural/landscape historians on staff at the museum. This followed the museum’s precedent of the creation of a Ming Dynasty-style garden court when the East Asia galleries where revamped in the early 1980s.

A mini-documentary on the museum’s web site records some of the processes of creation; and in rewatching it after reading Eric’s chapter, what really jumped out was the way in which the curatorial thinking about what constitutes Moroccan architecture was very much informed by the Moroccan nationalist appropriation of the colonial/fascist discourse about being the site and the heritor and continuation of Andalusi cultural heritage.

To highlight some examples:

  • The major narrative voice in the documentary is that of Najima Haider, who is one of the associate curators of Islamic art, who begins describing the design process as “medieval-style courtyard.”
  • In the course of talking about the mathematics of scaling down a full-scale, three-story Moroccan courtyard for the one-story space available in the museum, there’s a discussion of the different kind of CAD programs they used, until finally the landscape designer Achva Stein actually physically cut out little pieces of paper in the shape of tiles to stick on the walls which she described as a “medieval solution” to a neo-medieval problem. So she’s not only using “medieval” to mean backwards, but also to connect the idea of the medieval to the artisanal.
  • Not so much Tetouan, but Fez and Granada are treated as one cultural unit throughout the little documentary and, presumably, throughout the thought process that created the space. Not only are there explicit invocations of the Alhambra as a model for this Moroccan courtyard, but it is also a clear that those references come from the scholarship produced for the 1992 Al-Andalus exhibition at the Met. In his ArtForum review of the exhibition, Nasser Rabbat takes on this view.
  • (contrast with the Kevorkian room, Syrian colonial context)
  • One of the heads of the Naji family studio, which carried out the work, said: “We were transported back to the year 1300.”
  • There’s a question of authenticity: Haider talks about authenticity vs. reproduction; in other words that they are not trying to reproduce a real courtyard, but still want it to feel authentic. She also refers to the tiles as being done in 14th and 15th-century colors, while Naji talks about artificially aging them so that they look as they would now if they were from that period.

The New York-based echoes of the historical movement(s) that Eric has identified are fairly self-evident. This is al-Andalus mediated through Morocco, it is the Middle Ages mediated through Moroccan craftsmen, it is the elevation of the urban environment. But one theme that struck me both in Eric’s analysis of how this kind of narrative unfolded and the way in which it’s picked up by the Met staff was that of authenticity.

Three examples of where the idea of authenticity occurs in the chapter are:

  • p. 217: On Santos Fernández reporting on the Ibero-American Exhibition in 1929: “The official Morocco Pavilion gave Fernández ‘a strong impression of Moroccan authenticity.’”
  • p. 220: “The Spanish, in contrast [to the French] saw Andalusi culture as the essential and authentic core of Moroccan culture, and they imagined themselves as the direct descendants of al-Andalus .”
  • p. 221: “When Bertuchi spoke of the revival of Moroccan art under Spanish colonialism, he was talking about the revival of an artistic tradition that was not only authentically Moroccan but also authentically Spanish.”

What I want to do by highlighting these short citations and the same terminology that occurs when the Met curator talk about the Moroccan courtyard is to raise the question of how the different players on this stage understand the question of authenticity, the axes of authenticity, and of how that understanding is bequeathed, very implicitly, going forward. In other words, it’s not just a simple question of what authenticity means and then of what is authentic in terms of historicity and geography, but also of what a kind of joint Spanish-Moroccan authenticity might imply.

In the study of medieval Spain and North Africa, it has become increasingly clear, especially in the last 15-20 years to many practitioners that historical and literary scholarship need to see the Maghreb as an integral cultural unit rather than as two spaces divided by traditional Ango-American views of what constitutes nations in Europe and where a hard break between Europe and Africa occurs. But at the same time, what Eric has shown is the very pernicious side of that kind of unitary thinking. And so this raises two questions in moving forward: How do we account for this impulse in medieval scholarship? And to how we can look at the region in a unitary way without replicating the violence of the colonial project that was so contingent upon the very continuity that we are currently viewing as desirable and necessary?

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Postscript: I left this final paragraph out of my comments at the workshop because I didn’t want to pull my remarks in too many different directions and because this was really ultimately more of a response to the status quo of #medievaltwitter than to anything that was happening in the conference — mercifully there is still a world of thought offline! —  but this was another issue that came up in formulating my thoughts about the book.

I think that it’s worth mentioning that many areas of medieval studies are — very much to their benefit — beginning to appreciate this kind of historiographic work that clarifies where some of the modern understandings of places and cultures that are often attributed to the Middle Ages in fact come into being in the modern period. It’s in part a natural element of the field to know its own history, and in part it’s being accelerated by very contemporary repurposing of medieval tropes such as Crusades and Vikings on the extreme right to justify all kinds of contemptible, hateful modern attitudes. Medievalist responses have very much been drawn down black-and-white lines. Even as in my own historiographic research right now, I’m reading a book of poetry by Manuel Machado that is basically a paean to Franco that casts him as a medieval Christian reconquerer no less than Fernando el Católico or the Cid; and so while I knew that Franco had tried to be a bit sensitive about covering up figures of Santiago Matamoros when he met with his Moroccan generals,  I was really surprised to learn about the extent of Francoist engagement with and promotion of Islam. It’s a historiography that doesn’t fall along the neat lines of other European historiographies, where the various fascist forces uniquely adopted the Christian Middle Ages to imagine their histories. With that said, I’ll just leave off with a final question: To what extent is this a case of “España es diferente” and to what extent should we see it as a call to reexamine the one-dimensional nature of the current discourse on the relationship between medievalism in general and mid-century fascism?