by Karina Casarez
Nearly three decades have passed since the tragic events of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, with a significant portion of the population suffering from mental health disorders and trauma symptoms. This research examines the specific factors of trauma endured by survivors, perpetrators, and their children, shedding light on prevailing gaps and needs within victim services. (Photo credit: helloitsrufio on Unsplash)
The 1994 genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda left between 800,000 and one million people brutally killed after a horrific 100 days of civil war and slaughter (United Nations Outreach Program). Approximately 75% of the country’s Tutsi ethnic minority and numerous Hutu moderates were massacred by Rwandan Hutu government soldiers and Interahamwe militia forces (Rieder and Elbert). Primarily using traditional weapons such as machetes and clubs, neighbors attacked neighbors, resulting in three months of looting, sexual violence, and murder, constituting genocide (Rieder and Elbert). In the aftermath of the crimes, the newly established Rwandan government began genocide trials, and by 2000, over 100,000 genocide suspects were awaiting court proceedings (United Nations Outreach Programme). Due to the enormous number of cases, the government began implementing gacaca courts, which were community-based proceedings intended to be a traditional alternative to national and international judicial systems. Nearly 30 years later, many convicted perpetrators have been released, with around 70,000 genocide suspects released by 2007 and most remaining to be released within the next few years due to their 20 to 30-year sentences being completed (Assimwe; Interpeace). The immediate needs of survivors of the genocide after the events and the current reintegration of ex-perpetrators into Rwandan society have led to considerable efforts to implement rehabilitation and recovery programs focused on providing trauma support for victims of the genocide (Interpeace).
METHODOLOGY
Although the trauma suffered by Rwandans who experienced the 1994 genocide is extensive and endured by various groups within the population, this essay will evaluate three specific factors of trauma experienced by survivors, perpetrators, and their children to identify existing gaps and needs within victim services. The subsequent research will examine trauma (a) as a general result of experiencing the 1994 Rwandan genocide, including a particular analysis of women victims, (b) trauma transmitted to second generations, and (c) retraumatization resulting from justice and reconciliation processes. Section II will utilize primary and secondary sources to review current victim services and trauma-informed practices promoting trauma healing, reconciliation, and stigma reduction. This final section will also outline recommendations for further victim service implementation to close remaining gaps in providing trauma recovery avenues for victims of genocide and second-generation children.
TRAUMA RESULTING FROM THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE
Trauma caused by experiencing the genocide
The 100 days of the 1994 Rwandan genocide witnessed crimes of humanity, genocide, and war crimes conducted on a horrific scale (United Nations International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals). Every minute, an average of six men, women, and children were murdered throughout the three-month period (Survivors Fund, “Statistics”). Many crimes were perpetrated by people known to the victim, such as neighbors and friends (Dyregrov et al. 4). In addition to the 800,000 to one million killed, it is estimated that between 250,000 and 500,000 women were raped and subjected to sexual violence (Haffajee 201). Nearly 70% of women raped during the genocide were infected with HIV by the perpetrators (African Rights). As a result of the violence, thousands of children died, and up to 400,000 children were left unaccompanied (Human Rights Watch, “Children without parents”). One-third of child survivors witnessed the deaths of their relatives, and 80% lost family members (Survivors Fund, “Statistics”). The Rwandan National Trauma Survey showed that 96% of children witnessed violence, 69% witnessed death, and 30% witnessed rape (The Government of Rwanda 9). In addition, in a survey of over 3,000 children after the genocide, 90% of the children believed they would die during the events of the genocide, one-third believed they would not live to become adults, and 15% hid under dead bodies to survive (Dyregrov et al. 9).
In a study focused on trauma symptoms as a consequence of the genocide against the Tutsis, results show that nearly 80% of survivors fulfill the criteria for trauma-related disorders (Schaal et al. 96). Other studies have found that the extent of the trauma experienced during the genocide is positively correlated with the number of persisting post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms that the victims still experience (Caspar et al.). These findings are similarly confirmed by reports of victims who witnessed family members being attacked, experiencing higher rates of PTSD and distress symptoms by 2008 than individuals who had not witnessed such events (Ng et al.). Rugema et al. also found that individuals who witnessed or experienced traumatic events during the genocide were impacted nearly 17 years later, such as not marrying, not having children, and living in impoverished circumstances (Rugema et al.). Studies have shown that after experiencing the genocide, survivors had a reduced ability to resonate with the pain of others (Caspar et al.). Additional literature has shown that survivors feel that members outside their groups are dangerous. This results in them feeling diminished and vulnerable (Staub, “Reconciliation after genocide” 871). This is particularly relevant in Rwanda since perpetrators and survivors are forced to live in close proximity to each other, which may facilitate daily interaction between the survivors and perpetrators (JHA Editors and Noamschimmel).
The Rwandan genocide affected men and women differently concerning the atrocities experienced and the severity of trauma symptoms post-genocide. Men were more likely to be imprisoned, kidnapped, or killed, while women were exposed to more physical and sexual violence (Rugema). In addition, over 250,000 women were left widowed (Sharlach 98). Loss of an individual’s social support further increases the likelihood and prevalence of PTSD symptoms. Women were more likely to witness sexual or physical violence perpetrated against relatives and close friends, which has also been shown to increase PTSD symptoms (Platt 800). Women specifically reported experiencing a loss of dignity and respect, loss of identity, social isolation, and loss of hope for the future (Petersen-Coleman and Swaroop 9). Horrifyingly, it is believed that in some areas of Rwanda, all women were rape victims, and in Kigali, it is estimated that most women between the ages of 13 and 50 were victims of rape (Sharlach 98). Victims of rape have to deal with long-term consequences of the genocide, sometimes referred to as “second rape,” which relates to the stigmatization placed on rape victims and the consequences felt by the individual and their family relating to the belief that their honor has been tarnished in the eyes of society (Sharlach 90). Symptoms of post-rape trauma may include sexual apathy or promiscuity, substance abuse, depression, anger, loss of sense of womanhood, confusion about one’s identity, and destruction of a woman’s morale (Sharlach 91). Stigmatization leads to women becoming social outcasts within their communities, often due to society perceiving women as willing participants or complicit in the rape. The consequences of rape during the genocide, in addition to social stigmatization and post-trauma symptoms, include HIV infection and unwanted pregnancies (Sharlach 99).
Intergenerational trauma
It is estimated that 20,000 children were conceived from rape during the 1994 genocide (Torkgovnik). Although some women were able to accept and love their children conceived by rape, others felt it impossible to care for the child, resulting in the neglect and torture of hundreds of newborn children (Petersen-Coleman and Swaroop 10). In a meeting with the Survivors Fund in Rwanda, experts in the field shared that women with children conceived by rape often faced marital issues or found it challenging to marry or remarry (Meeting with Survivors Fund). The Rwandan Ministry additionally recounted that women often faced rejection from their families for raising children born from rape (Meeting with Ministry). Many mothers and children experienced poor relationships, including instances where mothers would lie about the child’s identity to hide the fact that they were raped during the genocide (Meeting with Survivors Fund). The stigma of rape was also passed down to children who were thought to be “illegitimate” and biologically associated with the “enemy.” Children were often referred to as “children of bad memories” and “children of hate” and became living reminders of the trauma suffered during the genocide. These children frequently experienced indirect and direct forms of violence, such as abandonment, abuse, and discrimination. Due to the association with the rape perpetrator, children were often rejected by the mother’s family, which led to a loss of identity and social exclusion. Children born of rape faced decreased opportunities in education, economic opportunity, lack of affection, and harassment (Denov et al.). Compared to children not born from rape, children born from rape showed higher levels of PTSD, anxiety, depression, physical function, pain intensity, and sleep disturbance (Uwizeye et al. 4-5). They also experienced shame, confusion, and anguish due to stigmatization and exclusion and often feared for their safety from community members (Denov et al.). Children born from rape are also largely excluded from victim services because government funds are only available to genocide survivors born before 1994 (Meeting with Survivors Fund).
Even children not born from genocidal rape have a substantial likelihood of experiencing intergenerational trauma transmitted through social and biological pathways such as family mental health, sociopolitical trauma, cultural narratives, silence and disclosure of genocide experiences, and regular contact with a traumatized parent (Der Sarkissian and Sharkey 1; Jensen et al. 996). Genocide survivors who experienced higher levels of trauma exposure during the genocide showed higher levels of trauma transmission to their children (Der Sarkissian and Sharkey 2-5). Parents with PTSD are more likely to use ineffective parenting behaviors that negatively impact their children. In addition, PTSD symptoms affect a parent’s communication styles, coping strategies, and ability to attach and bond with their child (Mutuyimana et al.). It has also been observed that children of survivors and children of perpetrators show intergroup empathy bias transferred from the previous generation, showing further evidence of trauma transmission between generations after the genocide (Caspar et al. 837).
Retraumatization through justice & reconciliation methods
By 1998, nearly 130,000 suspected genocide perpetrators were imprisoned in facilities meant to hold 12,000 (Haskell). Although international and national courts had begun trying genocide cases in 1996, at the rate the trials were going, it would have taken more than a century to complete every trial. In effort to speed up justice and accountability for survivors and perpetrators of the genocide, the Rwandan government introduced gacaca trials as an alternative judicial system. Gacaca placed high value on the involvement of the entire community during judicial proceedings. Proceedings were run by local community judges and encouraged community participation. Until 2010, gacaca trials tried approximately 1.2 million cases (Haskell). The gacaca system was initiated to promote healing through truth-telling and facilitate reconciliation between perpetrators and survivors. It was believed that families could learn the truth about acts of violence committed against their relatives, reconcile their trauma, establish collective memory, and forgive the perpetrators (De Ycaza 24).
However, research regarding the psychological health impact of truth-telling processes like the gacaca proceedings has shown that participants of gacaca courts suffered higher levels of depression and PTSD. The constant trauma exposure most likely caused this increased prevalence of trauma symptoms during proceedings (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 425-246). More specifically, witnesses to the gacaca trials were put through a process of remembering, recounting, and hearing traumatizing information regarding the events of the genocide. The negative impacts of gacaca proceedings are further confirmed by instances of traumatic crises, suicide attempts, and uncontrollable threatening statements made during the trials (King 139). It was even reported that thirty-six witnesses during gacaca proceedings were killed because of their participation in the trials or as an attempt to prevent witnesses from testifying against perpetrators (Nikuze). The gacaca proceedings also facilitated the collective identification of a “chosen trauma,” where groups incorporate the memories and emotional meanings of the traumatic event into their identities. This reaffirms the “us” versus “them” dichotomy rather than true reconciliation and unification between survivors and perpetrators. The justice provided by gacaca also increased feelings of guilt in witnesses of the gacaca trials. This guilt stemmed from individuals who initially supported the government, those who were bystanders during the events, or even survivors who felt guilty for having survived. In many instances, these resulting feelings from gacaca trials did more harm when analyzing the actual healing ability of truth-telling processes (Buckley-Zistel 125-126).
The retraumatization experienced during gacaca proceedings was further endured by female survivors who testified during the trials. For female witnesses, providing testimony led to severe psychological suffering and re-traumatization. The public setting of the gacaca sessions led to women feeling that their physical security could be threatened (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 71). Gacaca trials led directly to increases in threats, harassment, and murders of participating witnesses since all information was publicly accessible. For those who had lost their relatives and support systems due to the violence, feelings of vulnerability were especially prominent. Women who were victims of sexual violence or rape expressed feeling guilt, shame, humiliation, and ostracization from their community (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 72). Women were allowed to report rapes through public testimony, in writing, or privately in front of a video camera. Women who testified in person were required to publicly accuse their rapist in front of their community members. For those who chose to write their testimonies, privacy was still not maintained as these writings were read aloud during the gacaca proceedings. Many women were also unaware of their inability to testify privately by camera. However, even testifying privately required the victim to face the judge panel and the accused. This was done to provide the alleged rapist a chance to defend themself. If the woman could not testify in front of the suspected perpetrator, the only additional option she had was to end the proceedings, an option only provided in rape cases (Meeting with Alphonse Muleefu). Rape victims were also fearful of potential retaliation for their accusations against rape perpetrators and faced threats by community members if the suspect was imprisoned (Eftekhari).
ANALYSIS OF TRAUMA SERVICES IN RWANDA
Rwanda has been actively building victim services and programs for survivors, perpetrators, and second-generation children within the last 28 years since the 1994 genocide. Various psychosocial models have been trialed throughout the country, with many experts identifying community-based socio-therapy practices as the most efficient methods in trauma-informed and restorative justice processes (Dyregrov; Holaday and McPhearson; Ingabire et al.). Although some individuals may benefit from individualized clinical interventions for trauma symptoms, others feel that social support and education services improve their mental well-being (Ng et al. 95). Psychosocial support must extend outside clinical approaches based on traditional Western models, utilize local resources, and focus on healing collective trauma within communities (Petersen-Coleman 13-15). Collective approaches promote resilience, re-engagement, and restoration within communities and emphasize social and cultural contexts during recovery (Pearlman 112). It is also beneficial to build national capacity within trauma approaches by encouraging participation from community leaders and trainers (Dyregrov 4-5). Due to the substantial lack of mental health professionals in Rwanda, it is essential to maintain flexibility and adaptability when training mental health professionals. Instead of observing strict educational requirements placed on most mental health professionals worldwide, some organizations, such as Never Again Rwanda, have found strength in providing short-term training to community members to ensure communities across the country have individuals with basic training and trauma-healing tools (Meeting with Never Again Rwanda).
Organizations and entities within Rwanda also utilize decentralized processes (“village to national”) to focus on building capacity and promoting sustainability of trauma approaches by identifying local community leaders as the first essential step in providing communities with trauma-informed practices. Understanding the dangers of retraumatization and clinical burnout within therapist populations, organizations such as Never Again Rwanda provide support to trained therapists to ensure these clinicians do not feel alone while providing services to their communities. Collective therapy approaches also allow citizens to participate in dialogue, allowing communities to identify issues and utilize community leaders to assist with their service needs (Meeting with Never Again Rwanda). Some programs, such as the Trauma Recovery Program, utilize cultural methods of expression such as storytelling, drama, drawing, writing, and dancing to promote child development, assist with trauma and grief, and improve children’s listening skills (Dyregrov 4).
Numerous organizations within and outside of Rwanda provide support for victims of the genocide. Programs and services extend multiple areas of need, such as psychosocial support, economic development, gender empowerment, and education assistance. Some organizations service specific vulnerable populations, such as the Association of Genocide Widows Agahozo (AVEGA), which provides support for genocide widows, assists with trauma processing, and has established programs focused on medical care, advocacy and justice, and socio-economic development. Several organizations also focus on gender equality, women’s empowerment, and gender-based violence prevention. One such organization is the Rwanda Men’s Resource Centre (RWAMREC), which addresses negative masculinity behaviors and gender inequalities to empower families and communities to change violent behaviors, promote positive family practices, and facilitate partnership and collaboration between men and women. Many women’s cooperatives nationwide, such as the Nyamirambo Women’s Center (NWC), aim to address gender inequality, gender-based violence, and discrimination. These centers provide vocational and educational training to empower women for better employment and financial stability (Nyamirambo Women’s Center). An additional organization that provides vital support to victims is the Survivors Fund (SURF), which assists in building the capacity of other survivor organizations and supports victim programs focused on areas of need such as healthcare, housing, education, and entrepreneurship (Survivors Fund, “Our Work”). One of the most critical sources of support for victims of genocide is the Genocide Survivors Support and Assistance Fund (FARG), a state-owned organization that provides education, health, shelter, social assistance, and income generation support. However, financial compensation and support are only eligible for genocide survivors born before 1994 (Nikwivuze).
Because government support is only available to individuals alive during the 1994 genocide and consequently labeled “survivors,” many community organizations recognize the need for services and programs for second-generation youth (Dyregrov 19). However, although some of these programs provide psychosocial support, many also focus on youth empowerment, the promotion of peace, and the facilitation of intergenerational reconciliation. SURF, in partnership with the National Student’s Association of Genocide Survivors (AERG) and the National Survivor’s Association of Graduate Students (GAERG), provides vulnerable youth, including second-generation youth, with mentorship on entrepreneurship, readiness, and vocational training, and access to financial and learning resources through the Youth Economic Empowerment Program (Survivors Fund, “Report”). Other organizations, such as Ajprodho-Jijukirwa, focus on engaging youth through human rights promotion, research, advocacy, and economic empowerment. Because of the increasing acknowledgment of trends and challenges caused by intergenerational trauma, with the support of USAID, they also promote peacebuilding by providing therapeutic healing, individual and group therapy, and trauma support (Meeting with Ajprodho-Jijukirwa). The Rwanda Peace Education Programme (RPEP), implemented by Aegis Trust and additional partners, promotes peace and reconciliation efforts by nurturing social cohesion, positive values, critical thinking, and empathy. Similar to the Trauma Recovery Program, RPEP utilizes storytelling and community education outreach activities. The RPEP program was recently implemented in the Rwandan school curriculum, now known as Peace and Values Education (PVE) (Basabose). In an effort to provide psychosocial support to families impacted by genocidal rape, raise awareness about the consequences of rape and sexual violence, and reduce stigmatization, Foundation Rwanda aims to support and empower victims of rape and second-generation youth born from rape (Foundation Rwanda). Lastly, although rare, some services are also provided to children of perpetrators, such as programs established by Prison Fellowship that assist with education support (Meeting with Prison Fellowship).
Psychosocial support was also offered during gacaca trials, although during a meeting with the National Public Prosecution Authority in 2023, the prosecutors acknowledged that the protection provided to witnesses who testified publicly was inadequate. Organizations such as Ibuka and Aegis Trust provided on-site counselors who could provide trauma assistance to individuals engaged in the gacaca process. In some instances where rape cases were reported, women with knowledge and understanding of the challenges of rape were placed on judge panels. However, as noted before, victims of rape were forced to testify in front of their accused, and confidentially measures were weak during the proceedings (Meeting with Alphonse Muleefu). Before gacaca courts were implemented, national leaders had expressed initial concerns about retraumatization and a potential rise of new violence. Researchers such as Staub (“Justice, healing, and reconciliation” 27) were invited to develop programs aimed at reducing (1) the retraumatization of survivors, especially those who acted as witnesses, (2) the trauma of children exposed to vivid images and stories of violence, including testimonies of rape, and (3) renewed anger and hostility of Tutsis and Hutus who relived the horrible events through the testimonies given. It was concluded that the most efficient programs in reducing retraumatization included four components: education on the origins of the genocide, possibilities for prevention, acknowledgment of the psychosocial impact of victimization, trauma, and healing methods, and the facilitation of individual engagement with their traumatic experiences during the genocide (Staub, “Justice, healing, and reconciliation” 27-28). Programs like these provided sources of positive healing and reconciliation processes through truth-telling mechanisms such as gacaca.
Service gaps
Despite the vast number of services and programs provided by civil society and state government entities, significant gaps currently hinder the provision of adequate trauma-informed practices to victims of the 1994 genocide. Services must be extended outside the major urban areas, such as Kigali, as most of the resources provided are concentrated within these areas and largely absent from other parts of the country. Without the economic means to travel into these urban areas to receive services, many of the most affected victims of the genocide are left without trauma services (Nowotny 424).
Given that approximately 78% of Rwanda’s 13.5 million population is under the age of 35, it is also essential to ensure that support and assistance are provided for members of the society suffering from intergenerational trauma (Mbabazi and Gomera). Policy change within the Rwandan government is essential to recognize and support the experiences of second-generation survivors and children born of rape. Although not “survivors” in the sense of having experienced the genocide, these youth are still victims of the crimes perpetrated against their families and communities (Denov). By rethinking the label “survivor” and including trauma victims of subsequent generations, a greater number of individuals could be eligible to receive financial compensation through FARG (Hamel 31). It is essential that youth be included in the policy-making process so that they are able to contribute their experiences as second-generation survivors and express insight into the needs of others in similar situations (Denov). Moving away from the commonly used labels of “survivor” and “perpetrator” is also vital, as these significantly impact individual identity and national unity. For example, although no longer identified by ethnic groups such as Hutu and Tutsi, unity within the country is debatable when new labels have connotations of people being good (survivor) or bad (perpetrator). These labels are problematic because they make it easier for policies, initiatives, and grants to target specific populations that largely exclude other relevant actors. Discarding the labels of “survivor” or “perpetrator” also includes bringing awareness and acknowledgment to the trauma faced by perpetrators and their children. It is inequitable to deny the trauma and experiences faced by populations labeled as “perpetrators” and can lead to radicalization, anger, genocide denial, and potential acts of violence (Kuradusenge-McLeod).
Regarding justice and reconciliation, it is also essential for Rwanda to commit to ensuring that all victims receive financial reparations for the crimes they have suffered. This is especially relevant for those victims of property crimes and women victims of rape and sexual violence. Although victims were promised reparations through national and gacaca courts, many have still not received what is owed to them (Nowotny 418). This has led to many Rwandans feeling disappointed in the judicial systems meant to protect and validate their experiences (Nowotny 402). Despite the government establishing funding through FARG to provide financial assistance to victims, critics argue that the financial compensation fails to go far enough (Mugiraneza). Instead, recommendations include establishing a separate reparations fund modeled after mechanisms such as the International Criminal Court’s Trust Fund for Victims and the African Union Trust Fund for Victims of Hissène Habré’s Crimes (Ngari). Sufficient financial compensation could help victims feel validated in their traumatic experiences, become more accepting and open to reconciliation processes, and assist victims and their families with financial burdens such as healthcare and psychosocial treatment costs (Eftekhari).
Although gacaca proceedings have ended, Rwanda still utilizes a community-level mediation system called abunzi. These traditional dispute resolution systems are facilitated at cell and sector levels, which are more localized administrative entities in comparison to the centralized provinces of the country. These systems are led by community members elected as mediators and act as a prerequisite for parties to bring forth disputes and action before reaching the level of the national court system (Republic of Rwanda). It is required that criminal and civil cases (of value below three million Rwandan francs) be first presented for mediation by the abunzi system. Therefore, the lessons learned from gacaca courts must be applied and remedied in the existing abunzi proceedings. Victim protection, especially for individuals testifying as rape and sexual violence victims, should be highly prioritized during any community-based reconciliation process. This includes confidentiality measures such as ensuring that names are redacted from any documentation of the proceedings (Eftekhari). Although the government of Rwanda has implemented the Witness and Victims Assistance and Protection Program, which provides assistance to witnesses in judicial processes, these protections are only currently reserved for domestic courts and, therefore, are not guaranteed protections during abunzi proceedings (Nikuze). Participants of truth-telling processes, including community mediation systems, must be provided with the facts and challenges associated with their testimonies and be provided support before, during, and after the sessions. Psychosocial and victim support services are also crucial necessities during these processes (Brounèus, “The Trauma of Truth Telling” 430). Elected community members and leaders should be trained in psychosocial support and trauma-informed practices. These systems should also utilize collective approaches to healing, including traditional practices and rituals that consider the social and cultural context of those involved (King 146-147). Lastly, any truth-telling, justice, and reconciliation methods must implement processes with a gender lens to ensure that protections and needs for sexual violence and rape victims are addressed (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 72).
CONCLUSION
The 1994 Rwandan genocide inflicted a substantial portion of the population with mental health disorders and trauma symptoms. With an estimated 26% of the population suffering from PTSD, it is imperative that Rwanda prioritize the recovery and rehabilitation of victims of the genocide, including second-generation survivors and children with perpetrator parents (Musanabaganwa). Women, in particular, suffered extensive trauma as victims of sexual violence and rape, witnessing relatives and other loved ones be killed or harmed, becoming widowed, being infected with sexually transmitted diseases, and mothering children conceived by rape. In addition to the trauma suffered by those who experienced the genocide either personally or through intergenerational transmission, justice, and reconciliation mechanisms have provoked retraumatization through truth-telling processes. Witnesses to gacaca proceedings often experienced trauma due to inefficient witness protection measures, and rape victims often suffered extreme stigmatization and ostracization by their communities. Although various organizations throughout Rwanda provide social support services such as psychosocial healing, education assistance, socio-economic empowerment, and vocational training, significant gaps remain and must be addressed to ensure all trauma victims within Rwanda feel supported as they heal from the genocide.
Victim services need to extend to areas across the country to ensure that all victims of genocide are supported through their trauma recovery processes. Additionally, intergenerational trauma requires further support and acknowledgment through policy and funding capacities at both state and organizational levels. Reconciliation and justice methods must also ensure that victims receive full reparations to assist with the financial burdens of genocide. Furthermore, it is essential that existing mediation methods, such as abunzi, learn from the lessons of gacaca proceedings and provide victims and witnesses with safeguard measures to ensure their safety and privacy are maintained and prioritized. Overall, victim services in Rwanda should continue utilizing community-based collective approaches that acknowledge social and cultural contexts and utilize traditional rituals and practices. By prioritizing trauma services and post-genocide recovery, Rwanda will strengthen its reconciliation and community healing efforts by acknowledging the value of its most vulnerable population’s mental well-being.
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Karina Casarez is a second-year master’s student at NYU’s Center for Global Affairs pursuing a degree in Global Affairs with a concentration in International Law & Human Rights and a specialization in the United Nations. She is also a Coverdell Fellow and Social Sector Leadership Diversity (SSLD) Fellow. In addition to her studies, she serves as President of The International Human Rights & Law League (THRILL) and the Managing Editor of the Global Affairs Review (GAR). Her research interests include exploring international justice for human rights atrocities, particularly genocide and crimes against humanity, particularly in Myanmar. She recently concluded an internship with Justice Rapid Response (JRR), serves as Treasurer for the New York City Peace Corps Association (NYCPCA), and is a United Nations Representative for the National Peace Corps Association (NPCA). Before attending NYU, Karina served as a Peace Corps Volunteer in Myanmar.
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International political events since the turn of the century have severely undermined the cause of nuclear disarmament. A deal between Washington and Pyongyang may now offer the best hope to resuscitate global non-proliferation. (Photo credit: Micha Brändli on Unsplash)
In the wake of the failed Iran nuclear deal and ongoing conflict in the Middle East, tensions with Saudi Arabia are high. The Kingdom has said it would not acquire nuclear weapons unless Iran did so first. How would a nuclear Iran affect the balance of power in the region? (Photo credit: Kyle Glenn on Unsplash)
If the UN General Assembly is the highest forum for international diplomacy, then the five member states that voted not to condemn Russian aggression in Ukraine took the staunchest position available. These five countries’ post-Soviet alignment with Russia shed light on their strategic policy motives. (Photo credit: the blowup on Unsplash)
The startling rise of populism in the West has resulted in nothing short of cultural upheaval. In the US and the UK, a unique breed of demagogues has surged to power, manipulating exclusivist identities to polarize and consolidate control. How has identity become a political weapon, and how might we return to mutual understanding? (Photo credit: Hello I’m Nik on Unsplash)