Global Affairs Review

The Center for Global Affairs, New York University

Environment & Energy Policy

Gender Perspectives in Climate Change

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by Nidhi Jariwala

Photo of climate, protest, union square, and san francisco in San Francisco , United States by Li-An Lim (@li_anlim)

As climate disasters escalate and destroy livelihoods, women and girls in developing countries will continue to endure the full weight of the harmful impacts. This paper examines international cases where women and girls face the negative effects of climate change, the disruptions this causes to development, and recommendations to overcome the issue. 

(Photo Credit : Unsplash) 

Introduction

Although developed countries are the main perpetrators of climate change, the effects disproportionately impact developing countries (Bhargawa and Bhargava). Women and other marginalized groups in developing countries bear the brunt of the consequences. Including gender perspectives in climate change discussions is essential for development, because climate disasters exacerbate existing inequalities and disproportionately affect women. As a result, women in developing countries face an increased risk of trafficking and sexual exploitation, poverty, food insecurity, violence, and internal and/or external displacement (UN Women). This is particularly severe for women in rural and agricultural areas, women in conflict zones, and indigenous women. This paper displays the negative effects these women face, and provides effective solutions to include gender perspectives in climate action and economic development.

Why are climate disasters harmful to development?

40% of the global labor force is dependent on the environment and the surrounding ecosystems, especially agriculture-related jobs (UN Women). When climate disasters destroy arable land, it results in job losses, economic harm, and food insecurity for millions. Furthermore, climate change harms workers’ health, safety, and well-being. Not only can workers be injured during the disasters themselves, but climate change also worsens existing diseases like malaria and dengue fever, negatively affecting worker’s health, and therefore their productivity (Jordan). Climate disasters also destroy existing infrastructure, factories, and supply chain operations. When supply chains are disrupted, they harm livelihoods and businesses, resulting in  billions of dollars in losses. In 2020 alone, climate-driven disasters including hurricanes, wildfires, and floods cost the global economy $210 billion in damage (Newburger).

Why are gender perspectives important in development?

Gender empowerment has been shown to increase Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in states (UN Women). When women are empowered, they gain access to quality livelihoods and education, which helps them develop valuable skills. This further enables more women to work in quality jobs, boosting both their incomes and the state’s economy (UN Women). As previously stated, climate disasters increase the vulnerability of women and girls to sexual and gender-based violence, which carries significant economic costs for survivors, communities, and the state. For instance, marital violence in Egypt results in the loss of about 500,000 workdays each year and costs the health sector over $14 million to serve just 25% of survivors (UN Women). Likewise, in Morocco, the cost of physical and sexual violence  reaches approximately $308 million each year (UN Women). In 2021, gender-based violence globally cost over $390 billion, with violence against women accounting for about 79% of this figure (UN Women). The impact of such violence extends beyond immediate physical and psychological harm, leading to long-term negative consequences that affect everyone.

Women also face significant disparities in the context of climate change. Climate-related challenges push more women into poverty, with 1 in 10 women already living in extreme poverty globally (UN Women). Women are 14 times more likely to die during climate disasters than men (OECD), while also making up 80% of those displaced by climate-related events (UNICEF). For example, in the 2010 floods in Pakistan, over 70% of those displaced were women and children (Halton). Poor families often force their daughters to drop out of school to help them work in the family’s livelihoods or marry them off at young ages to relieve financial constraints especially after disasters (Ripon and Chow). These stark gender disparities underscore the importance of  closing gender gaps to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 13, Climate Action. However, it is not only SDG 13 that should include gendered perspectives. Rather, every SDG would benefit from including gendered perspectives, as women are disproportionately affected and often overlooked. In fact, the Paris Agreement of 2015 only mentions the word “gender” three times and the word “women” once (UNFCCC). This is very concerning when trying to gain perspective on the issue, because the people who can form the best solutions are often those that are most affected.

Women in rural/agricultural areas in developing countries

Women and girls play significant roles in agriculture nutrition, and natural resource management (UN Women). While climate disasters threaten their livelihoods, they continue to find ways to adapt and combat these hardships. Women are often involved in farming and livestock management, but climate disasters, like droughts and floods, worsen agricultural conditions (UN Women). Not to mention, societal expectations often require women and girls to stay and maintain the land rather than move to safer areas, while also managing household and family responsibilities. This increased focus on securing their livelihoods reduces their time and  opportunities for education and income. Furthermore, when their land is destroyed, women and girls are more likely to experience higher rates of food insecurity.

Rural women in Latin America

In Latin American countries, about 58 million women live in rural areas, but only 30% of them actually own the agricultural land they work on (Oxfam International). Additionally, less than 5% have access to technical assistance, which is crucial for sustainable farming (Oxfam International). Maria Nazareth dos Santos, a rural woman in Brazil, said her community’s territory was lost to sugarcane plantations and faces conflict over fertile land (Oxfam International). In Cuba, rural women farmers have had to adapt after struggling with climate disasters. They have used solar energy and shade cultivation to manage their irrigation systems and adapt to climate change (Oxfam International). While this is a significant step forward in using renewable energy, adapting to these disasters heavily disrupts the work of women farmers.

Salt Water Exposure in Bangladesh

Rural women in Bangladesh work in agriculture, but are often in charge of childcare and other unpaid domestic work, as well. In addition to this intense work, women often face more extreme health issues. Thousands of women in Bangladesh face reproductive issues from salt water exposure. A 2019 study found that about 20 million people in Bangladesh’s coastal regions are affected by salinity exposure in drinking water (Ripon and Chow). Asma Akhter, a rural woman in Satkhira, Bangladesh, depends on a local river for her family’s survival and livelihood (Ripon and Chow). However, the rising sea levels, cyclones, and floods have added salt water to the river and surrounding soil (Ripon and Chow). These disasters have ruined the drinking water, fishing grounds, farming soil, and washing ponds, cutting off the surrounding communities from clean drinking water (Ripon and Chow). The increased salinity in the drinking water can lead to conditions such as increased blood pressure, hypertension, and preeclampsia in pregnant women (Ripon and Chow).

Additionally, bathing or standing in saltwater for long periods of time can increase women’s risk of reproductive tract infections and disrupt menstruation. This disproportionately affects women and girls, who are often responsible for collecting water and food (Ripon and Chow). At age 25, Akhter underwent a hysterectomy, following  the painful birth of her second child (Ripon and Chow). Her doctors stated that her illnesses were caused by exposure to salt water (Ripon and Chow). Lipi Khanom, another woman in rural Bangladesh, has faced  irregular periods and abdominal pain as a result of  salt water exposure (Ripon and Chow). Additionally, she and her husband have struggled to conceive a second child, a situation her husband largely blames on her (Ripon and Chow).

Salt water exposure can also lead to malnutrition, especially in children, with another woman, Shefali Bibi, pointing out that children’s bodies are not growing properly (Ripon and Chow). Akhter has also stated there is no fresh water source in the village, as such it takes her two hours to travel and get some from outside the area (Ripon and Chow). Jahanara Begum, a 65-year-old woman with uterine cancer and diabetes, now travels four miles to get fresh drinking water (Ripon and Chow).

Earthquakes in Haiti

The 2010 earthquake in Haiti was catastrophic and left women and girls in unlivable conditions (Human Rights Watch). Before the earthquake, healthcare services for women and girls were inadequate, and even after free services became available, many women lacked access to reproductive, sexual, and maternal healthcare (Human Rights Watch). Additionally, many women faced food insecurity, causing them to exchange sex for food (Human Rights Watch). Poor living and security conditions in displacement camps led to increased sexual and gender-based violence. Pregnant women had to give birth on unsanitary floors in tents, in streets, and alleys on the way to hospitals (Human Rights Watch). One woman reported giving  birth on a street corner after a hospital refused to admit her due to her inability to afford a cesarean section (Human Rights Watch). Another woman stated that she gave birth on the ground without any pain relief (Human Rights Watch).

The aftermath of the earthquake led to an increased rate of transactional or survival sex for women and girls in the camps (Human Rights Watch). With few opportunities for income, many women formed relationships with men for financial or food security. Oftentimes, they lacked access to contraception and other safe sex services, which led to more unexpected pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections (Human Rights Watch). However, even when these services were accessible, many women and girls did not use them due to a lack of knowledge regarding their availability and locations, or because they could not afford transportation to reach them (Human Rights Watch). Additionally, many were too afraid, ashamed, or traumatized by past sexual violence to seek the available care that they needed (Human Rights Watch).

On August 14, 2021, another earthquake struck Haiti, causing significant damage to hospitals, health centers, and schools (UN Women). Furthermore, freshwater systems, as well as agricultural and livestock farming were severely impacted. The total economic losses from these damages amounted to approximately $1.5 billion, representing about 10% of Haiti’s GDP (UN Women). One of the most pressing consequences was the lack of safe drinking water, which disproportionately affected women and girls, as they are often responsible for retrieving water for their families. This made them more vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence. In many cases, the aftermath of such climate disasters compounds their struggles, forcing women and girls into desperate situations to survive.

Women in conflict areas

Climate disasters exacerbate conflicts as droughts and floods decrease the availability of freshwater and agricultural land (Jaramillo et al 11). This creates further conflict among people in the agricultural labor force, which, as previously stated, falls heavily on women. Regions and states in conflict often dedicate significant amounts of their budgets to military spending leaving little funding for education, social services, and healthcare, especially for women and girls. With few income and educational opportunities available, many women and girls subsequently resort to sex work, making them even more vulnerable to sexual violence and other dangers.

Women Farmers in Yemen

Fragile states are more susceptible to climate disasters, resulting in severe negative consequences for civilians, particularly marginalized groups. A 2019 article from Amnesty International stated that Yemen is one of the worst places in the world to be a woman due to conflict and sexual violence, which are exacerbated by climate disasters. After years of conflict, rural communities in Yemen have become heavily dependent on women farmers (World Bank). These women face significant risks of injury while retrieving drinking water and harvesting crops, yet persist in these efforts to mitigate food insecurity and financial instability. By 2016, about a year after the conflict began, the amount of arable land decreased by 38% (World Bank). About 66% of people in Yemen rely on agriculture for financial means and over 75% live in rural areas (World Bank). Women constitute about 95% of Yemen’s labor force Women are very involved in land management, but are also burdened with domestic chores (World Bank). Iqbal Al-Jubeiry, a 26-year-old farmer, travels long distances to fetch water for herself and her family (World Bank). She shared the story of a pregnant woman who she traveled with to retrieve fresh drinking water. On their route, she fell and had a miscarriage (World Bank).

Olive and Grape Farming in Palestine

Despite conducting over 70% of farming and agriculture duties, women are still expected to manage domestic and household responsibilities, while men are viewed as the primary farmers and decision-makers of the household (Casas et al. 35). In Gaza, 61% of women have experienced gender-based violence, reporting that blockades and electricity cuts lead men to commit more acts of domestic violence against women (Casas et al. 36). Blockades and conflict leave little to no worker rights protection including in payments. This makes it difficult to earn minimum wage, especially when women are paid around 30% less than the average daily wage for men (Casas et al. 36). Many Palestinian farmers fear losing their crops and livelihoods to climate disasters. The climate risks identified by women farmers include declines in precipitation, rising temperatures, extreme winds and heat waves, and increased water and soil salinity, all of which can lead to reproductive health issues.

 Palestinian women have also reported experiencing economic stress due to the loss of livelihoods from extreme weather (Casas et al. 41). Climate disasters decrease production levels, and many women work in processing for olive and grape sectors (Casas et al. 41). These disasters adversely affect women’s income, often leading to negative consequences for their families. Additionally, loss of income leads to tension within the household, as workers, especially women, cannot meet their family’s needs. This is especially so for women, since societal norms put pressure on familial and household needs. Increased economic vulnerability often results in heightened gender-based and domestic violence (Casas et al. 41). Men often prioritize personal expenses over those of the household, placing a greater financial burden on women (Casas et al. 41). As a result of societal norms, women and girls also face increased unpaid domestic work and childcare responsibilities (Casas et al. 41).

Somalia

Somalia has experienced heavy floods and extreme drought, with women and girls disproportionately suffering from armed conflict and climate disasters. One woman and her daughter walked about 25 miles every day to get drinking water (Svensson and Rex). Consequently, her daughter dropped out of school to assist with water collection, but eventually, the family had to leave their home due to the ongoing drought (Svensson and Rex). Women and girls are at a greater risk of malnutrition, as societal norms often dictate that they are the last to eat in their families. Faced with food scarcity, many women and girls in Somalia often turn to sex work for survival (Svensson and Rex). While traveling long distances to retrieve food and water, they are particularly vulnerable to gender-based violence due to the unsafe conditions and long routes (Svensson and Rex).

Afghanistan

Afghan women already endure numerous hardships due to the Taliban’s intense restrictions, and climate disasters further exacerbate their situation. As of 2022, about 23 million people experienced food insecurity during the peak of winter, with 8.7 million at risk of starvation (UN Women). This situation is particularly detrimental for pregnant and breastfeeding women, as about 25% require life-saving nutritional support (UN Women).

Indigenous women

Since indigenous groups have close physical connections to their environment, climate disasters harm them greatly. In 2019, a dam burst in the Amazon rainforest in Brazil, disrupting the indigenous groups who heavily relied on it for fishing, obtaining food and water, and bathing (Alberti). However, these groups depend on the government to address these issues, but indigenous rights are typically not a government priority. Indigenous communities depend on the rainforest for hygiene and health, which disproportionately impacts women and girls. Their reproductive and sexual health is particularly at risk. A 2021 report indicates that 17% of the Amazon rainforest has been lost (Jones). This is extremely concerning for the environment, as the rainforest absorbs 25% of the world’s carbon dioxide (National Geographic). However, this number has decreased since the 1990s due to widespread deforestation for cattle ranching, farming, and other activities (National Geographic).

These cases in rural areas, conflict zones, and indigenous lands show the intense struggles women and girls face after climate disasters. As previously shown, the aftermath of a climate disaster is often more detrimental to women and girls than the disaster itself.

Solutions

Women are taking proactive steps, not waiting for their governments or the international community to take action. Sarah Zein, a Syrian woman, noticed the severe overcrowding of traffic in Damascus (UN Sustainable Development Goals). Numerous security checkpoints, installed due to attacks and bombings, made commutes to work and school excessively long. Traffic, aggressive drivers, and sexual harassment were rampant on the streets. In response, Zein created the “Yalla Let’s Bike” (Come on Let’s Bike) initiative. The initiative aimed to defy gender roles and promote eco-friendly transportation methods. Zein and her group worked with local authorities to install bike lanes in Damascus, and since 2013, over 4000 women and girls have participated in cycling events. This initiative has empowered women and girls, lowered the city’s carbon emissions, and broken stereotypes of war (UN Sustainable Development Goals). Women and girls now represent about half of the team, with 32 women even serving as instructors. Zein stated, “Cycling gave me wings to fly away from the noises of war” and her work has been recognized by many United Nations initiatives (UN Sustainable Development Goals).

In Brazil’s Amazon rainforest, indigenous women in Congress have led the fight to protect the rainforest from mass deforestation by the government (Alberti). They have also focused on protecting indigenous women from gender-based violence. In April 2019, Sônia Guajajara, Brazil’s Minister of Indigenous Peoples and the first Indigenous woman to run for vice president, protested alongside other women against Jair Bolsonaro’s policies that led to the destruction of the Amazon rainforest.

In North America, some indigenous groups are focusing on promoting renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs). These groups emphasize the economic benefits of combating climate disasters to gain government support. In Bangladesh, indigenous groups are heavily involved in community-managed natural forests, which provide essential resources to the community and conserve the local biodiversity. While Indigenous peoples protect and care for their environments, many politicians see their land as a lucrative opportunity. Governments frequently build pipelines on indigenous land, burn fossil fuels, and in the case of the Amazon rainforest, engage in deforestation for livestock farming. While women in rural areas, conflict zones, and indigenous women are harmed the most by climate disasters, they also may be the solution to this issue.

Education and empowerment

A key solution is introducing women and girls to new technology and infrastructure. For example, the organizations TECHNOLOchicas, Girls Who Code, and Black Girls Code empower young women, especially minority women, in the Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) field. Supporting programs like these fosters innovation that is essential for combating climate change.

Furthermore, empowering women and girls in policy-making decisions, especially rural women, women in conflict zones, and indigenous women, is important. Empowerment, in this case, means creating  platforms where women can share their experiences and solutions, as well as giving them control over decisions related to reproductive and sexual health, employment , and education. Additionally, empowerment means granting access to all these resources and services. Addressing gender inequality leads to both economic growth  and a reduction in environmental degradation.

Education for governments

The need for education extends beyond women and girls. Governments desperately need education on gender inclusion in climate disasters and why gender empowerment is crucial for sustainable development goals, especially climate action. There is a major lack of awareness at both local and national levels of government. Education on this topic would allow policies on climate change to include women and minority perspectives. Thus, the United Nations has created training programs on gender perspectives in climate change and has built gender empowerment programs for every SDG (Baxter et al 18). These programs include sexual and reproductive health, particularly for women and girls.

It is also crucial for states to incorporate gender perspectives into existing climate agreements like the Paris Agreement and Kyoto Protocol. Integrating health plans that address  women’s reproductive and sexual health, along with societal factors that increase their vulnerability  to violence, can significantly mitigate the adverse effects of climate change.

Data collection

Conducting data analysis before and after climate disasters that includes gender, race, disability status, and other factors is vital to forming inclusive solutions. The data must clearly show how women are impacted differently in disasters and should include qualitative and quantitative methods. Furthermore, data on women’s health, especially reproductive care in the context of  climate disasters, must be collected.  Examples include tracking maternal mortality rates, female labor force participation, and rates of rape and sexual assault before and after a disaster. Additionally, collecting data on the leadership of women and minority groups in responding to climate disasters would be beneficial, as it is already well-documented that women play a central role in caring for their families and communities.

Investment

Investing in technology and resources for women working in agriculture to promote sustainable farming increases production and helps reduce world hunger and poverty (UNFCCC). Additionally, investing in gender equality and women’s empowerment not only combats climate change, but also fosters development. Countries with a higher representation of women in political positions are more likely to ratify international environmental treaties that benefit all SDGs. Communities that include women in capacity-building strategies tend to be more effective in their planning and outcomes. Women frequently take leadership roles in disaster risk reduction and recovery efforts, prioritizing  the needs of families and communities.

Through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, governments agreed on the Gender Action Plan. This plan calls for women’s participation in climate processes and ensures women’s involvement in decision-making. Agreements like these are instrumental for gender empowerment, environmental protection, and development.

Furthermore, in 2021 the United Nations Sustainable Development Group held an event for Haitian women in rural areas (UN Sustainable Development Group). On October 15th, the International Day of Rural Women, the UN Sustainable Development Group highlighted stories of rural women in the agricultural and food sector and how they navigate the negative effects of climate disasters. The event was held to address the fact that women are often excluded from decision-making and policy development, even on issues that directly affect them. State governments and the international community must invest in more initiatives like this to amplify women’s voices and ensure their perspectives are included.

 

Conclusion

Overall, women and girls, particularly those in developing countries, are largely excluded from climate action decision-making. This needs to change. The international community and state governments must prioritize gender inclusion in climate-related decisions and ensure that  women in rural areas, conflict zones, and indigenous communities have access to the  necessary resources and services, as they are disproportionately affected by climate change. Investing in gender-responsive data collection, quality education, and the future of women and girls is the key to combating climate change and promoting development.

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Nidhi Jariwala is a second-year student pursuing an MS in Global Affairs with a concentration in International Development & Humanitarian Assistance. She has a Bachelor’s degree in Economics and Global Studies and has conducted research on a wide range of topics including gender equality in the context of climate change, corruption in human trafficking, and sustainable energy usage for low-income communities. Outside of school, she has worked at refugee resettlement agencies including the International Rescue Committee and the International Institute of Minnesota. 

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America’s Climate [Policy] Hypocrisy: The Disconnect between the Climate Change Aims and Action

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by Yashwani Kularia

The op-ed “America’s Climate Policy Hypocrisy: The Disconnect between the Climate Change Aims and Actions” highlights that amidst escalating environmental concerns, the United States appears to grapple with a disconcerting paradox between its climate change aspirations and its policies. Despite voicing commitments to address climate issues, the nation’s ongoing dependence on fossil fuels and inadequate efforts in environmental justice initiatives highlight its climate hypocrisy. The disconnect between rhetoric and action raises critical questions about America’s commitment to combating climate change and the urgency of implementing meaningful reforms. (Photo Source: Melissa Bradley on Unsplash). 

On January 26th, 2024, the White House announced a temporary pause on pending approvals of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) exports to the Non-Free Trade Agreement (FTA) countries. It aims to address the increasing concerns about climate change and the mounting domestic prices (“FACT SHEET: Biden-Harris Administration Announces Temporary Pause on Pending Approvals of Liquefied Natural Gas Exports”). This decision happens to have been made at the beginning of the year, coinciding with the upcoming Presidential elections in November 2024. As of 2023, the United States emerged as the world’s leading oil producer, effectively surpassing Qatar. Indeed, the United States achieved a historic peak in oil production, reaching approximately 13.2 million barrels a day (“United States produces more crude oil than any country, ever”). The state of Texas alone contributes around 5.6 million barrels a day (“Texas oil and gas group says industry is surging”). Moreover, the US has become the largest exporter of LNG just last year.  

As the world grapples with the need to address climate change, the United States has found itself mired in hypocrisy. Notwithstanding its rhetoric of climate responsibility and commitment to reducing carbon emissions, the reality paints a starkly different picture. A glaring example of America’s climate hypocrisy lies in its continued reliance on fossil fuels, particularly shale gas and oil. Throughout the 2020 election campaigns, the Biden administration pledged to steer the nation away from reliance on fossil fuels (Ronayne and Knickmeyer). However, after the elections, the administration has overseen the largest expansion of oil and gas production to date. The Biden administration has approved extensive fossil fuel projects like Alaska’s willow oil project, the Mountain Valley fracked gas pipeline, and several other oil-LNG export terminals (Gardner). This highlights a disparity between their promises and their subsequent actions. 

America’s failure to adequately address environmental justice issues highlights another dimension of its climate hypocrisy. In spite of environmental justice (EJ) being touted as a top priority by the Biden administration, the implementation of initiatives, like the  “Justice40 Initiative,” has fallen short. The “Justice40 Initiative”  aimed to ensure that 40% of the benefits from climate and environmental programs would flow to Environmental Justice (EJ) communities (“Justice40 Initiative | Environmental Justice”). An EJ community is considered to be more affected by environmental hazards than others. These communities often include minority, low-income, indigenous, and tribal populations (“Environmental Justice | US EPA”). However, specifics as to what constitutes benefits, and how to satisfy the 40% rule remain undefined. 

The Inflation Reduction Act (2022) is the U.S. Congressional legislation aimed at curbing inflation, which includes measures such as changes in tax policies and investments in clean energy and infrastructure (“INFLATION REDUCTION ACT OF 2022”). However, the act fails to protect EJ communities and reduce fossil fuel production. Current trends suggest that oil and gas production, as well as exports, will nearly double by 2035. This will exacerbate the sufferings of communities impacted by gas and oil, namely black, brown, and indigenous communities in the Appalachia, Gulf of Mexico, and Permian Basin of Texas and New Mexico (Rees). Furthermore, the Biden administration’s actions, such as auctioning off over 73 acres of Gulf of  Mexico public waters to oil and gas industries in Lease Sale 259 at the beginning of 2023 (“Lease Sale 259”), pose significant environmental risks. This auction marked the largest offshore lease sale in U.S. history,  with the potential for severe impacts on EJ, such as the extinction of endangered species like the Rice’s whales, an increased risk of oil spill, and substantial greenhouse gas emissions (Meigs).

Climate reparations represent a critical aspect of climate justice. These reparations offer a means to take responsibility and support low-income countries grappling with the devastating effects of climate change. At the CoP27 in Egypt (November 2022), a landmark agreement was reached. This agreement established a loss and damage fund aimed at compensating poor and vulnerable nations for their climate-related losses funded by developed countries. Despite being one of the world’s largest historical emitters of greenhouse gasses,  the United States has staunchly opposed efforts to contribute. In fact, the US Climate envoy, John Kerry, stated in July last year that the country would not pay reparations “under any circumstances” to developing countries hit by climate change-induced disasters (Slow). Regardless of stated commitments to environmental justice, such actions underscore the need for greater accountability and coherence in U.S. climate and environmental policies. Moreover, the United States’ withdrawal from the Paris Agreement under the Trump administration dealt a severe blow to global efforts to address climate change. While President Biden re-joined the agreement, the damage to America’s reputation as a reliable partner in climate action had already been done. This back and forth on climate positions of the U.S. erodes trust and hinders progress. 

The US appears to be caught in a frustrating deadlock between two polarized political factions. Wherein one side is reluctant to recognize the urgency of addressing climate change altogether, the other side seemingly acknowledges its urgency but reflects inconsistency and duplicity in its actions. This has led the U.S. to a standstill in its climate policies. Amidst the recent conflict in the Middle East, President Biden chose not to attend the 2023 UN climate summit, CoP 28, held in the UAE (Joselow). This move implies a diminishing prioritization and a waning emphasis on climate change action and policies.  

Ultimately, addressing America’s climate hypocrisy requires more than just rhetoric – it demands bold and decisive actions. This requires a fundamental shift in priorities, policies, and practices to align with the urgent need to mitigate the climate crisis. This will have the effect of transitioning into a sustainable, low-carbon, and clean energy future. Global warming has recently exceeded the 1.5°C threshold target as outlined in the Paris Agreement. Surpassing this threshold amplifies the likelihood and risk of severe impacts on ecosystems and regions beyond the global tolerance levels (Di Liberto). The stakes are too high to continue down the path of half-measures and empty promises.

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Yashwani Kularia is a first-year Graduate Student at NYU’s Center of Global Affairs (CGA) pursuing an MS in Global Affairs with a concentration in Transnational Security with a twin specialization in Data Analytics and the United Nations. Her academic and research interests include exploring cross-border terrorism, multiple forms of extremism, counterterrorism, and geopolitics. She has worked with the Ramboll as a Junior Consultant and at the US Army War College as an intern. In addition to her studies, she serves as President of the Student Association of Global Affairs (SAGA) for the academic year 2024-2025.

Works Cited

Di Liberto, Tom. “What’s in a number? The meaning of the 1.5-C climate threshold.” Climate.gov, 9 January 2024, https://www.climate.gov/news-features/features/whats-number-meaning-15-c-climate-threshold. Accessed 26 April 2024.

“Environmental Justice | US EPA.” Environmental Protection Agency, 6 February 2024, https://www.epa.gov/environmentaljustice/learn-about-environmental-justice. Accessed 26 April 2024.

“FACT SHEET: Biden-Harris Administration Announces Temporary Pause on Pending Approvals of Liquefied Natural Gas Exports.” The White House, 26 January 2024, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/01/26/fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-announces-temporary-pause-on-pending-approvals-of-liquefied-natural-gas-exports/. Accessed 4 April 2024.

Gardner, Timothy. “Biden admin greenlights LNG exports from Alaska project.” Reuters, 14 April 2023, https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/biden-admin-greenlights-lng-exports-alaska-project-document-2023-04-14/. Accessed 26 April 2024.

“INFLATION REDUCTION ACT OF 2022.” Department of Energy, https://www.energy.gov/lpo/inflation-reduction-act-2022. Accessed 26 April 2024.

Joselow, Maxine. “Biden to skip world leaders’ summit at COP28 climate talks in Dubai.” Washington Post, 26 November 2023, https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2023/11/26/biden-cop28-climate-summit-dubai/. Accessed 4 April 2024.

“Justice40 Initiative | Environmental Justice.” The White House, https://www.whitehouse.gov/environmentaljustice/justice40/. Accessed 4 April 2024.

“Lease Sale 259.” Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, 29 March 2023, https://www.boem.gov/oil-gas-energy/leasing/lease-sale-259. Accessed 4 April 2024.

Meigs, James B. “The Big Squeeze: How Biden’s Environmental Justice Agenda Hurts the Economy and the Environment.” Manhattan Institute, 7 September 2023, https://manhattan.institute/article/how-bidens-environmental-justice-agenda-hurts-economy-and-environment. Accessed 4 April 2024.

Rees, Collin. “Biden’s Fossil Fuel Fail: How U.S. Oil & Gas Supply Rises under the Inflation Reduction Act.” Oil Change International, 20 November 2023, https://priceofoil.org/2023/11/20/fossil-fuel-fail/. Accessed 4 April 2024.

Ronayne, Kathleen, and Ellen Knickmeyer. “Biden calls for ‘transition’ from oil, GOP sees opening.” AP News, 23 October 2020, https://apnews.com/article/election-2020-joe-biden-donald-trump-technology-climate-26908b855045d5ce7342fd01be8bcc10. Accessed 4 April 2024.

Slow, Oliver. “US refuses climate reparations for developing nations.” BBC, 13 July 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-66197366. Accessed 4 April 2024.

“Texas oil and gas group says industry is surging.” The Texas Tribune, 30 January 2024, https://www.texastribune.org/2024/01/30/texas-oil-gas-association-annual-report/. Accessed 26 April 2024.

“United States produces more crude oil than any country, ever.” U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), 11 March 2024, https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=61545. Accessed 26 April 2024.

Comparative Security of the Maritime Flow of Petroleum-Based Energy

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by Raghvendra Kumar, PhD. 

The security of the maritime flow of petroleum-based energy will be a critical determinant for both New Delhi and Beijing, while India’s geographical proximity to the source of oil and gas exporting countries will always provide India and its Navy with an upper hand to exploit Beijing’s security-of-energy vulnerability. (Photo Source: Venti Views on Unsplash). 

India and China are net importers of oil and gas and are heavily dependent on overseas energy supplies for their sustained economic expansion and development. They import oil and gas from various geographical regions, including countries from West Asia, Africa, and South America. The critical commodities sourced from the hydrocarbon resource-rich regions of West Asia and Africa are of significant value to India and China, “as these two regions alone accounted for 64.5% and 63% of oil imports, respectively, in 2022” (Economic Times & U.S. Energy Information Administration, 2022). However, the increased flow of cheap oil from Russia in the aftermath of the Ukraine conflict has become a lucrative alternative to West Asia, Africa, and South America in China’s energy security matrix. 

However, replacing West Asia, Africa, and South America as the primary suppliers of oil to China requires three factors, according to scholarly analysis. First, the share of renewable energy sources should overtake conventional sources in China’s energy mix. The share of renewable sources of energy in India’s and China’s energy mix is bound to rise at a decent pace. Both India and China have set ambitious renewable energy targets, with India aiming to achieve 450 gigawatts (GW) of renewable energy capacity by 2030, including 280 GW of solar energy and 140 GW of wind energy, while China targets to increase its non-fossil fuel energy consumption to 25% and reduce its carbon dioxide emissions by 2030 (Economic Times, & U.S. Energy Information Administration, 2022). Despite significant progress in the cost of production and feasibility, the limitations on renewable energy’s widespread utility, availability, adoption and efficiency remind us how dependent the world is on fossil fuel —especially oil and gas.  Second, a significant increase in the share of natural gas in China’s energy mix could end its dependence on oil, allowing huge volumes of gas to be imported through pipelines from gas-rich areas of Central Asia and Russia. China “currently consumes around 13.4 million barrels per day (b/d)” (Reuters, 2022) and “imports 11.8 million b/d” (Reale, Bingham, and Greenberg, 2), of which only a fraction is transported through pipelines. Further, the adaptation of China’s national industry to a gas-based economy is possible but will not be swift as it faces several hurdles. Firstly, significant investment in infrastructure like pipelines and storage facilities is needed, demanding time for planning and implementation. Secondly, technological challenges in altering industrial processes from oil and coal to natural gas are prominent. Thirdly, resistance from existing industries and stakeholders poses a barrier to change. Lastly, economic factors, including costs and potential disruptions, need careful management. Overall, the transition is expected to be gradual due to these complexities. Consequently, reliance on oil will be critical for China for a foreseeable period. 

The third factor addresses the practicality and affordability of alternative maritime routes, such as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), which is questionable considering  China’s security-of-energy strategy. The NSR constitutes a vital maritime corridor connecting Europe and Asia via the northern regions of Russia. The “NSR is the shortest route linking Europe to East and South East Asia,” and, “until the 20th century, due to its harsh icebound environment, oceanographic ships conducting surveys were the primary users, but the ice-free period in summer has become longer every year, making it the better condition for sailing” (Hataya and Huang, 4). This renewed attention is primarily driven by the potential for extended navigational periods and the resultant cost and time reductions associated with utilizing these emerging shipping lanes. The all-weather accessibility of NSR due to adverse impacts of climate change could provide an indisputable advantage over the conventional route passing through the Indian Ocean via the choke points of the Suez Canal, Bab-el-Mandeb and Malacca strait to Beijing as an alternative sea route. However,  in comparison to other sea routes, the NSR is still underdeveloped (The Japan Association of Marine Safety, 2016). It poses several limitations, including a lack of specialised tanker fleets, equipment, and supporting infrastructure, hindering its wider suitability because the Northern Sea is comparatively more vulnerable to environmental factors than the Indian Ocean, “especially during winters” (United States Coast Guard, 6). Therefore, since the relevance of crude oil and natural gas is not going to diminish in the strategic calculations of India and China, the centrality of the Persian Gulf remains crucial. 

The pivotal role of West Asia and Africa in India (the world’s third-largest consumer and importer of oil) and China (the world’s largest consumer and importer of oil) is sure to intensify as their future demand for overseas oil and gas is expected to rise at a significant pace due to their “rapid rate of growth and development and increased per capita demand” (The Institute of Energy Economics, Japan (IEEJ) 8). By 2050, the share of oil and gas will be around 32%  (International Energy Agency 2019) in China’s and 39% (BP 2023) in India’s total energy mix, a projection that challenges the conventional assumption that renewable sources of energy will undermine the importance of oil and gas. This continued centrality of West Asia, Africa and South America in Beijing’s and New Delhi’s security-of-energy is primarily determined by geography. Oil coming from Venezuela on Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCCs) that draw too much water cannot maneuver the shallow depths of the Panama Canal and, therefore, must sail almost halfway around the world to reach India and China.  Similarly, oil from Nigeria, Libya, Angola, and rest of Africa must either pass from the Suez Canal or through the Cape of Good Hope, whereas the oil from the Persian Gulf has to pass through the choke point of the Strait of Hormuz, situating India and China on the same plane of geographical vulnerability. However, New Delhi gains a comparative advantage due to its central location in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), close to the primary sources (West Asia and Africa) from where it imports the majority of its oil and gas. However, this becomes a critical vulnerability for China, which has no direct access to the IOR. China imports “nearly 75% of its oil from abroad,” most of which is imported from a single geographical region, the Persian Gulf (Government of China, 2022). The Persian Gulf is separated from the east coast of China by two major natural choke points, the Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Malacca.  

China’s vulnerability is demonstrated by the close proximity of the  Indian island territories of Andaman and Nicobar to the Strait of Malacca, while the Persian Gulf, Gulf of Aden, and the East African Coast are near India’s western seaboard. This gives New Delhi substantial influence over vital sea lines of communication (SLOCs) that carry the bulk of China’s oil and other merchandise trade.  Therefore, by virtue of geographical positioning, New Delhi and its Navy is in a commanding position to control the China-bound maritime movement of oil and gas. The Indian Navy’s sustained presence through its mission-based deployments around the Persian Gulf, Gulf of Oman, Gulf of Aden, the Mozambique Channel, and its strategic approaches to the Straits of Malacca, Sunda, Lombok and Ombai-Wetar, Central and South Indian Ocean provides it with strategic depth to counter several contingencies that may arise. These deployments enable New Delhi to easily interdict China-bound oil, causing anxiety in Beijing and further amplifying its vulnerability.

China, in order to circumvent the vulnerability of its energy systems, is investing heavily in its Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) and expanding the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy’s role and presence in the IOR.  In the past decade, “China, through its BRI project in Pakistan, aims to invest approximately US$ 62 billion”  (Brookings Institution, 2020) in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which passes through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). The Chinese strategic community views the CPEC as a means to promote the idea that Gwadar port will serve as a bypass to the Strait of Malacca. However, in order for this to be possible, two factors should be taken into account. First, to transport the bulk of West Asian oil to China through a series of pipelines, one must account for the elevation from Gwadar, a port city in the Baluchistan province of Pakistan, to Kashgar in the Xinjiang province of China, which sits at an elevation of approximately 1500 meters. However, this route passes through Gilgit-Baltistan, “which is part of the Kashmir region under illegal occupation by Pakistan” (MEA 2020), and “includes the highest point, Khunjerab Pass, at roughly 4500 meters elevation” (South China Morning Post n.d.). This disputed territory, coupled with the high elevation, would pose significant challenges. Therefore, transporting oil through pipelines as a solution to China’s problem is neither feasible nor cost-effective. A second option for China to bypass the Malacca Strait would be through a network of highways and rail links – which also happens to be one of the major thrust areas of CPEC. Despite Gwadar’s “strategic positioning” at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, which can facilitate the movement of the bulk of China’s oil, the depth of the Gwadar port becomes the most significant limitation. Due to siltation, the port requires dredging of the approach channels at regular intervals to “increase the depth to 14 metres from the current 11.5 metres” (The Nation, 2022). In order to enable the docking of ships with a deadweight tonnage (DWT) of up to 70,000 DWT, while the “current capacity permits a maximum of 20,000 DWT” (Kardon, Kennedy, and Dutton, 13). This makes the process expensive and limits its practical usage by bulk oil carriers. Further, the lack of capacity and requisite infrastructure to offload the VLCC is another aspect that limits the use of Gwadar Port as an alternative route to the Strait of Malacca. 

In comparison, India’s strategic position at the intersection of international shipping lanes entitles New Delhi and its Navy to effectively and efficiently use hard power tools to interdict China’s oil supply, crippling its economy. China is aware of its comparative disadvantage manifested by the ‘harness of geography.’ This geographical reality is at the cusp of its strategic and operational planning as it sees the Indian Navy as a threat in its security dilemma. Thus, the uninterrupted supply of oil and gas at an affordable price is critical to India’s and China’s national security as their societal and economic well-being is entwined with unhindered access to these critical commodities. 

In conclusion, despite the desire and efforts undertaken to transition away from fossil fuels — oil and gas will remain dominant in India’s and China’s energy mix. They will continue to consume significant amounts of oil and gas to meet their growing economic and per capita demand. In this context, the security of the maritime flow of petroleum-based energy will be a critical determinant for both New Delhi and Beijing while India’s geographical proximity to the source of oil and gas exporting countries will always provide it and its Navy an upper hand to exploit Beijing’s security-of-energy vulnerability.

*******

Dr. Raghvendra Kumar holds a PhD in African Studies from the University of Delhi, specializing in Indian Ocean geopolitics and India’s and China’s involvement in East African Island States. Previously, he served as an Associate Fellow at the National Maritime Foundation (NMF) in New Delhi. Before his tenure at NMF, he taught undergraduate students at the Department of Political Science, Maharaja Agrasen College, University of Delhi, India. He can be reached at raghvendrakumar2007@gmail.com.

Acknowledgements:

The author would like to express sincere gratitude to Vice Admiral Pradeep Chauhan, DG, NMF, for his invaluable feedback and insights provided to the author during his tenure as an Associate Fellow at the NMF. His expertise and guidance significantly contributed to the refinement of this research paper.

Works Cited

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Brookings Institution. “China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.” The Brookings Institution, 15 June 2020. www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/FP_20200615_china_pakistan_afzal_v2.pdf. Accessed 21 September 2023.

Economic Times. “India’s Russian Oil Binge Drags Down Opec’s Share to Lowest in 2022.” The Economic Times, 23 Aug. 2022. economictimes.indiatimes.com/markets/commodities/news/indias-russian-oil-binge-drags-down-opecs-share-to-lowest-in-2022/articleshow/97065032.cms. Accessed 19 September 2023.

Government of China. “A Report on the Work of the Government (2022).” English.www.gov.cn, 24 Feb. 2022. english.www.gov.cn/news/topnews/202202/24/content_WS6216e221c6d09c94e48a569e.html. Accessed 23 September 2023.

Hataya, Sakiko, and Huang, Michael C. “The Opportunity and Challenges of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) after the Suez Obstruction of 2021.” OPRI Perspectives No.22 [2021], SPF (Sasakawa Peace Foundation) Ocean Policy Research Institute, p. 4, https://www.spf.org/opri-intl/global-data/report/perspectives/20210804165958118.pdfAccessed 24 September 2023.

Kardon, Isaac B., Conor M. Kennedy, and Peter A. Dutton. “China Maritime Report No. 7: Gwadar: China’s Potential Strategic Strongpoint in Pakistan.” 2020. CMSI China Maritime Reports, no. 7. Digital Commons, US Naval War College. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cmsi-maritime-reports/7. Accessed 8 March 2024.

Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) “QUESTION NO.606: BRI AND CPEC.” Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, February 05, 2020.  www.mea.gov.in/lok-sabha.htm?dtl/32353/QUESTION+NO606+BRI+AND+CPEC. Accessed 8 March 2024.

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Reale, Hannah, Emma Bingham, and Kara Greenberg. “Where Does China Get Its Oil?” The Wire China, 12 July 2020. www.energypolicy.columbia.edu/sites/default/files/file-uploads/Where%20Does%20China%20Get%20Its%20Oil_%20-%20The%20Wire%20China.pdf. Accessed 19 September 2023.

Reuters. “China’s Re-Opening J-Curve: Oil Consumption.” Reuters, 13 Dec. 2022, www.reuters.com/markets/commodities/chinas-re-opening-j-curve-oil-consumption-2022-12-13/. Accessed 19 September 2023.

South China Morning Post. “Pakistan’s Gwadar Port Is the Jewel in the Crown of China’s One Belt One Road Initiative.” South China Morning Post, multimedia.scmp.com/news/china/article/One-Belt-One-Road/pakistan.html.

The Japan Association of Marine Safety. “Northern Sea Route Handbook”. https://www.nikkaibo.or.jp/pdf/NorthernSeaRouteHandbook_E.pdf. Accessed 20 September 2023.

The Nation. “Depth of Gwadar Deep Sea Port Reduces to 11 Meters Due to Siltation.” The Nation, 13 May 2022, www.nation.com.pk/13-May-2022/depth-of-gwadar-deep-sea-port-reduces-to-11-meters-due-to-siltation. Accessed 25 September 2023.

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Impacts of Climate Change in Southeast Asia and Adaptation Measures in the Region

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Author: Shenyi Chua, December 2020

“Several studies have assessed that SEA will face extreme climate change in the future, affecting both national and human security. As states across SEA are unique in terms of geographical location, political, economic, and cultural traits, each Asian state will experience the impact of climate change differently, depending on the nature of the threat faced and the resilience abilities of each state.”

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One Percent 2.0

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Author: Brendan Chrzanowski, 2019.

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“Save for the occasional discussion regarding the abuses of the GWOT, such as torture, invasion of privacy, and extraordinary rendition, there is little substantive dialogue concerning the Doctrine (Herman). Nevertheless, it appears as though the “1%” policy, or something similar, retains relevance when considering the present national security environment…”
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Keeping the Monster Alive: Environmental Capitalism and Payment for Ecological Services

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Author: DeLaine Mayer, 2018.

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“Capitalism is increasingly accepted as both the problem and solution to 21st century issues of scarcity and sustainability…”
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The South-North Water Transfer and the Technopolitics of Megaprojects

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Author: DeLaine Mayer, 2017.

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“China has committed to large-scale infrastructure development as part of its national identity, development trajectory, and resource management policy…”
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Sino-Saudi Energy Relations

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Author: Clayton Cheney, 2017

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“The energy relationship between Saudi Arabia and China is one of the most important energy relationships on the globe and it has important implications for the global economy, geopolitics, and climate change…”
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