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Cyber Security and Global Power: Adapting to a New World of Digital Risks

April 25, 2025 by mg7601 Leave a Comment

By Jayda Bonnick

Source: Unsplash

As cyberspace reshapes global security, traditional notions of power and dominance are being redefined. This piece explores how digital vulnerabilities, private tech influence, and innovation challenge state authority in the cyber realm. Drawing on Fred Kaplan’s Dark Territory, it highlights the complex balance between connectivity and control in an increasingly digital world.

One of the defining features of cyberspace is its ever-evolving nature. Both consumers and governments alike find themselves grappling to adopt and adapt to the latest innovations while simultaneously learning what vulnerabilities lie in its wake. Fred Kaplan’s Dark Territory: The Secret History of Cyber War examines the U.S government’s decades-long journey to understand and adopt cyber operations in the scope of its national security and military operations. Throughout the chapters, Kaplan discusses the underlying notion state officials found themselves going back to when adopting and implementing new cyber practices systemically: “whatever we can do to our enemies, our enemies could soon do to us” (Kaplan 125). This concept of reciprocity is key in highlighting the inherent insecurity that states experience in the cyber realm of global security. Cyber capabilities do not equate to power in the same way that tactical military capabilities once did in the 20th century. When both civilians and state officials rely on the Internet and digital connectivity both personally and professionally, a delicate dance has to be done by governments when asserting their position in global security.

During the Cold War’s nuclear arms race, power was determined by which nations possessed tangible nuclear capabilities, while those without such weapons gained relative power by aligning with nuclear states (Kaplan 43). This led to a bipolar dynamic between the United States and Russia, creating a generally straightforward system of deterrence. With cyber activities as the latest technology that actors are implementing into their security programs, the road to power and dominance in this space is not as linear as it is when discussing tangible capabilities. Information warfare and espionage operations are long-standing practices in security, but cyberspace brought those practices to a new level as technology became more accessible and more sensitive information became digitized. 

Cyber operations can be executed against specific personnel or entire state-owned agencies, making vulnerabilities in cyberspace broader and more complex than in traditional security contexts.. The Obama administration represented the shift in people’s relationship with the Internet as it pertained to security on a personal and public level. Former President Barack Obama had to have a new Blackberry with high-end encryption manufactured specifically for him after refusing to give up his phone upon the Secret Service’s request (Kaplan 145). While the president could not part with his personal smartphone, each device becomes a potential entry point for malicious actors seeking to compromise national security. President Obama was the first president to represent the give-and-take of cybersecurity. He, like most Americans, has a personal device integrated into everyday life, one that parting ways with is seemingly impossible, while each device serves as a host and a new pathway for violating privacy. The pervasiveness of the Internet in the lives of citizens and officials alike can undermine a country’s cyber capabilities if hackers target an individual or a private server outside of the state’s control, making it hard to establish cyberpower through quantitative means, like how tactical security capabilities could be measured in past decades through number of troops or amount of artillery.

In Dark Territory, Kaplan mentions how most of the world’s Internet bandwidth flowed through US-owned infrastructure: “pieces of every email and cell phone conversation in the world flowed, at some point, through a line of American-based fiber optics” (178).  Through innovation and globally relied-upon infrastructure, the United States is able to achieve a level of cyberpower that indicates its influence in the sphere, similar to Michael Mann’s definition of power in The Sources of Social Power: Volume 1, A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760. Mann describes power as the ability to attain goals through mastering one’s environment (Mann 6). While American-based fiber optics does not equal security for the United States, it shows how innovation in cyber can be just as important as knowing how to convert those innovations into cyber operations for a nation’s military plan. 

This notion of innovation to assert cyber dominance is seen in states’ strategies to either align with or discredit private technology companies.  Private tech firms and social media platforms have the funding and attention of millions of consumers, asserting their own power in cyberspace. States have to acknowledge the legitimacy of these private actors when their platforms have non-political figures with more followers than congressmen and presidents. Social media platforms like TikTok (owned by a private Chinese company, ByteDance) have faced scrutiny by American politicians in the last five years as the app has about 150 million active users in the United States alone (Kerr, Lee). With the amount of active users on these platforms, private companies have access to mass amounts of personal data that can be a tool for or a threat to state agencies and their operations. Whether it’s through allowing private firms to be in discussions around cybersecurity or, on the other end, considering legislation to bar certain actors from operating within a state’s territory, innovators in cyberspace carry weight when it comes to today’s conversations around global security and state interests. 

From coding knowledge being as accessible as a free video on YouTube to less financial barriers to connect to the Internet, billions of people are active participants in cyberspace, making it both a critical resource and source of vulnerability for all of its users. Fred Kaplan’s Dark Territory: The Secret History of Cyber War outlines the struggles lawmakers, tech experts, and military officials faced when confronted with inherent insecurity at every stage of incorporating cyber operations into the government’s infrastructure and national security plans. From adding security software to military computers to the first major cyber attack carried out by the United States, Stuxnet, there was an inability to be “ahead of the curve” offensively or defensively, making cyberpower harder to establish in the same way states have historically demonstrated security and power. The value of cyberspace lies in a state’s ability to contribute to innovations in the digital era, whether through social media platforms or investing in global cyber infrastructure. Being able to keep up with the nuances of cyberspace has not and will not guarantee foolproof protection against cyber attacks, but rather it allows actors to be perceived as leaders in a space that boasts and encourages interconnectivity and convenience despite the list of vulnerabilities that come with it.

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Jayda Bonnick is a graduate student at NYU studying Global Security, Conflict, and Cybercrime. With a background in international relations and cybersecurity strategy analysis, she explores the evolving intersections of technology, security, and power. Her work focuses on how digital infrastructure and innovation shape global governance and national security.

 

Works Cited

Kaplan, Fred. “Buckshot Yankee.” In Dark Territory: The Secret History of Cyber War, 125-137. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017.

 

Kaplan, Fred. “A Cyber Pearl Harbor.” In Dark Territory: The Secret History of Cyber War, 33-45. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017.

 

Kaplan, Fred. “The Whole Haystack.” In Dark Territory: The Secret History of Cyber War, 138-145. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017.

 

Kaplan, Fred. “The Five Guys Report.” In Dark Territory: The Secret History of Cyber War, 170-189. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2017.

 

Kerr, Dara.. “Lawmakers grilled TikTok CEO Chew for 5 hours in a high-stakes hearing about the app.” NPR, March 23, 2023. https://www.npr.org/2023/03/23/1165579717/tiktok-congress-hearing-shou-zi-chew-project-texas#:~:text=Front%20and%20center%20were%20concerns,users%20with%20the%20Chinese%20government. 

 

Lee, Carol. “TikTok now has 150 million active users in the U.S., CEO to tell Congress.” NBC News, March 23, 2023. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/tiktok-now-150-million-active-users-us-ceo-tell-congress-rcna75607.   

Mann, Michael. “Societies as organized power networks.” In The Sources of Social Power, Volume: 1, A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760, 1-32. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

Filed Under: International Relations/Global Futures, Opinion, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Private Sector, Transnational Security, Uncategorized

A Feminist Approach to 21st Century Human Security: Assessing Israel-Hamas Conflict Through a Gendered Lens

April 16, 2025 by mg7601 Leave a Comment

By Quentin Kundert

This policy brief analyzes the 2023 Israel-Hamas war through a feminist lens, highlighting how gender inequality and the exclusion of women from peace processes contribute to insecurity. It argues that traditional IR theories fall short in explaining such conflicts, while feminist theory offers vital insights into achieving lasting peace.

 

On October 7, 2023, the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, most commonly referred to as Hamas, launched an unprecedented attack on Israeli territory. The raid, which took the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Israeli government by surprise, led to the death of approximately 1,200 people and the kidnapping of 250 others (Human Rights Watch). In response, Israel declared a state of war against Hamas, launching extensive bombings on the Gaza Strip and invading it (Al Jazeera). Israel also imposed a total siege on the territory, cutting off food, water, electricity, and gas supplies (UN Women). This resulted in the deaths of over 40,000 Palestinians (Al Jazeera). Both sides of the conflict have been accused by international organizations of committing war crimes (Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch). It should be noted that the conflict is not limited to Israel and Hamas, as numerous other states and non-state actors in the Middle East have been directly or indirectly involved. The continuous rocket clashes between the Iran-backed Hezbollah militia and Israel are a case in point, eventually leading to an IDF incursion on Lebanese territory at the end of September 2024 (Reuters). Without concealing the pressing humanitarian challenges that this conflict entails and the need for an immediate cease-fire, IR theories can help facilitate understanding of the broader implications of this war. 

The proliferation of belligerent groups in the Middle East has disrupted conventional norms of sovereignty and statehood, posing significant challenges for traditional IR theories such as realism or liberalism (Lecocq 1070). Despite being neglected by most IR scholars, the feminist theory provides a compelling approach to these questions (Hudson et al. 41; Whitworth 112). While not limited to these claims, this approach firmly argues that gender equality, and particularly women’s participation in peace processes, is among the most effective means for achieving international and human security, if not the foremost (Hudson et al. 41). More importantly, this vision extends beyond academia, with broad and tangible implications in the political and institutional spheres. The UN Security Council’s Resolution 1325, adopted in 2000, is a landmark example of this vision being implemented in practice.  It recognized the fundamental role of women in peace processes and urged states to take enforcement measures to increase women’s participation in these processes (Landmark Resolution on Women, Peace and Security (Security Council Resolution 1325). 

Indeed, research has shown that gender equality serves as a significant deterrent to war, as countries with greater gender equality are less likely to resolve conflicts through violence. Additionally, gender equality also plays a fundamental role in successful post-conflict peace processes, as women’s participation increases the likelihood of long-lasting peace agreements  (Council on Foreign Relations, “Women’s Participation in Peace Processes”). Considering the 2023 dramatic escalation in the Israeli-Hamas conflict, it can be argued that not only is this relevant, but it is necessary to assess the war by engaging with a feminist approach. Therefore, gender equality prior to October 7th will be assessed in both territories, as well as the extent to which women have been involved by both parties in peace processes. 

In recent gender equality reports, Israel has been portrayed as “OECD’s black swan”, as it ranks lowest amongst all members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (Staff), with one of the highest gender pay gaps in the organization (OECD). This worrying trend has been decried by some of the country’s leading security think tanks (INSS), accusing the current government of systematically undermining the status of women (Baruch and Caner 1). Indeed, the decline of women’s participation in crucial decision-making is characteristic of the broader deterioration of their political representation in Israel (Baruch and Caner 1). To put it bluntly, “gender equality is not only not on [Israel’s] agenda, but in fact is perceived as undesirable” (Baruch and Caner 2).

Since the Gaza Strip is not recognized as a state, it is much harder to find accurate data on gender inequality confined to this specific territory. For instance, both the UN Development Program and the OECD’s gender inequality indices do not provide any data for the Gaza Strip or the State of Palestine altogether. Therefore, to assess gender inequality in the Gaza Strip, one would need to gather and consider numerous other gender related indices, which are mostly only available for the whole state of Palestine. That is not the scope of this article. Nevertheless, the status of Palestinian women is undeniably preoccupying, as they face significant disparities in the distribution of power and resources, along with heightened personal insecurity compared to Palestinian men (ECSWA). As a result, numerous UN bodies have repeatedly called for improvement of their status (UN Women; United Nations in Palestine). 

Respectively, both entities exhibit high levels of gender inequality, but what are the implications regarding the peace-negotiation process? The Israeli–Palestinian peace negotiations process is highly representative of the broader issues regarding women’s implications in peace processes. Palestinian and Israeli women have played leading roles in grassroots peace campaigns, both in their communities and through joint efforts, notably earning an Israeli and Palestinian organization a nomination for the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize (Working Group on WPS). However, they have been systematically excluded from formal governmental peace negotiations (GPPAC). Indeed, during the 2023 intra-Palestinian reconciliation efforts in Cairo, only one woman was present, out of 54 negotiators (GPPAC). Women who were involved, as in the 1992 Oslo Accords, were restricted to “backstage” roles such as spokeswomen or secretaries (Finkel 2). Two notable exceptions stand out: Tzipi Livni, who served as Israel’s chief negotiator during several rounds of negotiations from 2007 to 2014 and Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, who acted as a negotiator for the Palestine Liberation Organization in the 1990s (Council on Foreign Relations, “Israel and the Palestinian Territories Case Study”). Both were former ministers in their respective states. Despite the significant roles they played, Livni and Dr. Ashrawi remain, as underlined above, the only two exceptions in the long history of Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation negotiations. 

Consequently, what are the key takeaways to consider? It cannot be definitely claimed that greater gender equality and women’s participation in peace negotiations would have prevented the current conflict between Israel and Hamas. However, existing academic research on both topics suggests that if gender gaps were reduced, the likelihood of going to war might have been reduced as well. An optimistic, yet perhaps hypocritical, embodiment of this perspective is Bill Clinton’s words after the Oslo Accords at Camp David: “If we’d had women at Camp David, we’d have an agreement” (Finkel 21). 

******

Quentin Kundert is a first-year graduate student at the Center for Global Affairs with a focus on geopolitics and security, and a growing interest in statistical analysis. Outside of academics, he spends his time at the lake, in the mountains, or at the skatepark.

 

Works Cited

Al Jazeera. (2024, September 30). Israel-Gaza war in maps and charts: Live tracker. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/longform/2023/10/9/israel-hamas-war-in-maps-and-charts-live-tracker.

Amnesty International. (2024, August 27). Israel/OPT: Israeli attacks targeting Hamas and other armed group fighters that killed scores of displaced civilians in Rafah should be investigated as war crimes. Amnesty International. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/08/israel-opt-israeli-attacks-targeting-hamas-and-other-armed-group-fighters-that-killed-scores-of-displaced-civilians-in-rafah-should-be-investigated-as-war-crimes/.

Baruch, P. S., & Caner, T. (2023). The Undermined Status of Women as a National Security Challenge (No. 1752). Institute for National Security Studies. https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep52777.

Council on Foreign Relations. (2024a). Israel and the Palestinian Territories Case Study. Council on Foreign Relations. https://microsites-live-backend.cfr.org/womens-participation-in-peace-processes/israel-and-palestinian-territories.

Council on Foreign Relations. (2024b). Women’s Participation in Peace Processes. Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/womens-participation-in-peace-processes.

ESCWA. (2023). Social and economic situation of Palestinian women and girls. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia. https://www.unescwa.org/publications/social-economic-situation-palestinian-women-girls.

Finkel, L. (2012). The role of women in Israeli—Palestinian Peace Negociations. ICSR.

GPPAC. (2024). Empowering young Palestinian women in peace negotiations | GPPAC. Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflicts. https://gppac.net/empowering-young-palestinian-women-peace-negotiations.

Hudson, V. M., Caprioli, M., Ballif-Spanvill, B., McDermott, R., & Emmett, C. F. (2009). The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States. International Security, 33(3), 7–45. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.3.7.

Human Rights Watch. (2024, July 17). October 7 Crimes Against Humanity, War Crimes by Hamas-led Groups. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/07/17/october-7-crimes-against-humanity-war-crimes-hamas-led-groups.

Lecocq, S. (2020). Hamas and Hezbollah: Hybrid actors between resistance and governance. International Affairs, 96(4), 1069–1079. https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa104.

Millender, M. (2024, April 9). IntelBrief: Non-State Actors in the Middle East Demonstrate Increasing Power and Influence. The Soufan Center. https://thesoufancenter.org/intelbrief-2024-april-9/

NGO working group on WPS. (2024). Israel & Palestine. NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security. https://www.womenpeacesecurity.org/region/asia/western-asia/israel-palestine/.

OECD (2023), OECD Economic Surveys: Israel 2023, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/901365a6-en.

Reuters. (2024, October 30). Israel begins Lebanon ground invasion with “limited” raids on Hezbollah. https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israeli-military-has-begun-limited-raids-against-hezbollah-targets-border-area-2024-09-30/.

Samuel, M. t. (2023). The Israel-Hamas War: Historical Context and International Law. Middle East Policy, 30(4), 3–9. https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12723.

Sjoberg, L. (2009). Introduction to Security Studies: Feminist Contributions. Security Studies, 18(2), 183–213. https://doi.org/10.1080/09636410902900129.

Staff, Toi. “Israel Ranked Lowest of All OECD Countries in Gender Equality Index.” Times of Israel, 29 May 2023, https://www.timesofisrael.com/israel-ranked-lowest-of-all-oecd-countries-in-gender-equality-index/.

UN Office of the Special Adviser on Gender. (2024). Landmark resolution on Women, Peace and Security (Security Council resolution 1325). https://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/.

UN Women. (2024, September 9). Facts and estimates: Women and girls during the conflict in Palestine. UN Women – Palestine Country Office. https://palestine.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/peace-security-humanitarian-response/facts-and-figures/conflict-in-palestine.

United Nations in Palestine. (2023, March 8). Fact sheet on Gender Equality and women’s empowerment. https://palestine.un.org/en/222284-fact-sheet-gender-equality-and-womens-empowerment, https://palestine.un.org/en/222284-fact-sheet-gender-equality-and-womens-empowerment.

Whitworth, S. (2012). Feminisms. In Security Studies (2nd ed.). Routledge.



 

Filed Under: Commentary, Global Affairs Review - Archives, International Development & Humanitarian Assistance, International Law and Human Rights, International Relations/Global Futures, Opinion, Transnational Security

Tribalism’s wave: U.S. Politics rippling beyond its borders

February 4, 2025 by mg7601 1 Comment

By Evan Dixon

Photo by David Everett Strickler in Washington D.C.

This article evaluates the growth of tribalism in U.S. politics and its potential ramifications to the international system, including examples of where tribalism is present. In particular, it emphasizes the need to combat tribalism and offers a suggestion to the reader on how they can influence tribalistic thinking.

In the Summer 2018 edition of Foreign Affairs, Amy Chua, a Jr. Professor of Law at Yale University, defines tribalism as, “the human instinct to identify with a group”, and proceeds to cite several examples which show that tribalism is psychologically interwoven with human nature (25-33). Chua contends that “tribalism remains a powerful force everywhere; indeed, in recent years, it has begun to tear at the fabric of liberal democracies in the developed world, and even at the postwar liberal international order” (25). I believe this to be absolutely true in the United States, as we look back at our most recent election and at the promises made by our incoming leadership. 

Undoubtedly, tribalism in the U.S. is a potent force which has had noticeable effects domestically and globally. In his book, ‘Liberal Leviathan,’ American political scientist and IR theorist, John Ikenberry, wrote about the importance of the U.S. to the international order, and that to maintain and grow the current establishment, the U.S. must “work to re-create the basic governance institutions of the system—investing in alliances, partnerships, multilateral  institutions, special relationships, great-power concerts, cooperative security pacts, and democratic security communities” (Ikenberry, 32). The United States is central to NATO, the UN, and international trade, and because of its deep involvement with major international institutions, its domestic instability can have a rippling effect around the world. With the exception of the U.S. Civil War, the United States is in an unprecedented period of increased polarization and ideological hostility. Due to the influential power of the U.S., these rising tensions could destabilize the current international order. Much of this destabilization can be attributed to ideologies and rhetoric which proliferate from tribalistic thinking, and are amplified by the actions and talking points of President-elect Donald Trump. 

The Bleed from Domestic to International 

With the 2024 U.S. presidential election having just concluded, there is a lot at stake institutionally and politically. Presidential campaigns did everything in their power to court undecided voters in key demographics. This has led to both sides mudslinging the other, and general distrust mounting. Trump has touted the idea that the current presidential administration is corrupt and needs to be prosecuted, in addition, he has supported the notion that political rivals, including the current presidential administration, are corrupt and need to be prosecuted (Dreisbach). At the same time, Harris’s campaign has pushed back at these comments, echoing previous descriptions of Trump, labeling him as a ‘fascist’ (Gangitano and Stanage). Regardless of the validity of either candidate’s statements, it is clear that the American political scene has become more thorny as a result of growing candidate hostility, expanding differences in political vision, and by extent, tribalism. 

According to the Council on Foreign Relations, in their 2024 Preventive Priorities Survey, events in the United States surrounding the election could increase domestic instability, concerning security policy experts (www.cfr.org). This growing instability has existed in U.S. politics for some time, and has only grown with Trump’s more tribalistic approach to politics. This has bled into U.S. international dealings previously, some examples include when:

 

  1. In 2019, President Trump attempted to pressure Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky into finding compromising information on Trump’s political rival, then incumbent Joe Biden (Oprysko).
  2. In 2016, Trump publicly encouraged Russian officials to leak emails from his political rival, Hillary Clinton, undermining election integrity in the U.S. (it should be noted that his prompting does not necessarily prove collusion in this matter) (Hendry).
  3. On the 2020 campaign trail, President Trump criticized Joe Biden several times for having a focus on alliances, which Trump touted as anti-American and harmful to America (Kim and Ibssa).

 

The first two cases show clear conflicts of interest which fall outside of normal government responsibilities and the third case involves the erosion of strategic U.S. based alliances. Through all of these, Trump prioritized damaging his political rivals over protecting the U.S. backed international order, irrespective of the potential ramifications to world peace and security. Despite his own claims, he placed his tribalistic interests above that of the interests of the U.S. and the democratic world.

Beyond the election, Trump has favored a ‘tough on allies’ approach to international relations, emphasizing their need to rely less on the United States. Most notably, Trump pushed countries to contribute more to NATO while remaining skeptical of the institution, going as far as to say that the US would not defend NATO allies who do not contribute more (Kim and Ibssa). Domestically, this stance benefited Trump, as the majority of Republicans and about one third of Democrats believe the U.S. contributes too much to maintaining the global order (www.pewresearch.org). This narrative rejects the idea of ideological order, and advances the idea that the United States should focus more upon itself. This could serve as another form of destabilization for the international order, reflecting tribalism as it asserts that the U.S. should only prioritize itself at the expense of world stability.

Looking Forward

Tribalism has always existed in the U.S. political structure, but the last decade has seen a rise in its thinking and weaponization. The credibility of the U.S. on the international stage could be questioned, especially if U.S. domestic issues continue to bleed out onto the international order. In his last administration, Trump took a ‘tough on allies’ stance, resulting in German Chancellor Angela Merkle distancing herself from the U.S. – this can certainly happen again with any European leader (Britton, et al.) This sort of distancing could have long-term detrimental effects on U.S. influence on the world stage, and push countries to look for alternative institutions and leaders. If tribalism continues to flourish in the United States, there is a strong possibility that America erodes its own influence as it grapples with its growing internal divisions, only serving to destabilize the world. 

Tribalism is a complicated social issue and we must seek solutions to combat it in politics. It is important to find the room to respectfully disagree with those who we identify with, and escape the political labels we so often rely on to categorize our beliefs. We also need to accept that not all positions have a full perspective, and it’s important to push back on (or add on to) them in a constructive manner when we have something to offer to various social and political discussions. 

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Evan Dixon is a Masters Student at New York University studying International Relations and Global Affairs, having also received two bachelor’s degrees from Bowling Green State University. He has spent considerable time studying the political and economic systems of several countries, both in the field and through academic writings. At the time of writing, Evan is an Associate Editor at the Global Affairs Review.

 

Works Cited

Britton, Bianca, et al. “Angela Merkel Stands in ‘Solidarity’ with Congresswomen Attacked by Trump.” CNN, Cable News Network, 19 July 2019, www.cnn.com/2019/07/19/europe/angela-merkel-annual-conference-intl-grm/index.html. 

Chua, Amy. “Tribal World: Group Identity Is All.” Foreign Affairs, vol. 97, no. 4, July/August 2018, pp. 25–33.

Dreisbach, Tom. “Trump Has Made More than 100 Threats to Prosecute or Punish Perceived Enemies.” NPR, NPR, 22 Oct. 2024, www.npr.org/2024/10/21/nx-s1-5134924/trump-election-2024-kamala-harris-elizabeth-cheney-threat-civil-liberties. 

Gangitano, Alex, and Niall Stanage. “Harris Faces Questions about Campaign Strategy in Final Stretch.” The Hill, The Hill, 23 Oct. 2024, thehill.com/homenews/campaign/4950136-vice-president-harris-campaign-concerns/. 

Hendry, Erica. “Trump Asked Russia to Find Clinton’s Emails. on or around the Same Day, Russians Targeted Her Accounts.” PBS, Public Broadcasting Service, 13 July 2018, www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/trump-asked-russia-to-find-clintons-emails-on-or-around-the-same-day-russians-targeted-her-accounts. 

Ikenberry, G. John. Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order. Princeton University Press, 2012.

Oprysko, Caitlin. Trump Pressed Ukraine’s President to Work with Barr for Dirt on Biden – Politico, Politico, 25 Sept. 2019, www.politico.com/story/2019/09/25/white-house-releases-transcript-of-trumps-call-with-ukraines-president-1510767. 

Poushter, Jacob. “What Are Americans’ Top Foreign Policy Priorities?” Pew Research Center, Pew Research Center, 23 Apr. 2024, www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/04/23/what-are-americans-top-foreign-policy-priorities/.

“Preventive Priorities Survey 2024: Center for Preventive Action.” Council on Foreign Relations, 2024. 

Rin Kim, Soo, and Lalee Ibssa. “A Closer Look at Trump’s Years of Criticizing NATO, Particularly on Defense Spending.” ABC News, ABC News Network, 20 Feb. 2024, abcnews.go.com/Politics/closer-trumps-years-criticizing-nato-defense-spending/story?id=107201586.


Filed Under: Global Affairs Review - Archives, Opinion, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Transnational Security

Book Review: Click Here to Kill Everybody

February 4, 2025 by mg7601 Leave a Comment

By Donna Victoria Bell-Tchega

Photo: Cezar Sampaio
 
Bruce Schneier’s Click Here to Kill Everybody highlights the growing vulnerabilities of interconnected systems and the urgency of addressing cyber threats in a rapidly digitizing world. This review explores Schneier’s analysis of the Internet of Things, cyber power, and the evolving complexity of cyberattacks, emphasizing his call for global policy reforms, public-private collaboration, and proactive international cooperation to safeguard critical infrastructures.

 

Click Here to Kill Everybody by Bruce Schneier provides valuable insight into how cyber power must first acknowledge vulnerabilities within interconnected systems to achieve global security. The rapid growth of connected devices, from “8.4 billion things attached to the Internet, to an estimated 20 to 75 billion by 2020” (Schneier 5), has reshaped global security, widening the attack surface for cyber threats. With diverse digital-age actors—from state to non-state players—the cyber battlefield has grown increasingly complex. Schneier argues that interconnected networks not only increase these vulnerabilities but also necessitate immediate global policy reform. Cyber power is “the ability to use cyberspace to create advantages and influence events in other operational environments and across the instruments of power” (Nye 3). 

Through this book, Schneier illustrates how the interconnectedness of critical infrastructures has made cyber power central to national security. He provides strategic insights for protecting these infrastructures in a digital society while emphasizing the difficulties in countering cyberattacks. Schneier discusses “how everything is considered smart, even objects are becoming smart” (Schneier 4), underscoring our growing reliance on interconnected systems like the Internet of Things (IoT). The IoT’s explosive growth has made both people and critical infrastructures more vulnerable to cyberattacks. While IoT technology offers ease and efficiency, it has also expanded the attack surface, with everyday objects like cars, refrigerators, and fitness trackers collecting personal identifiable information (PII). One minor vulnerability can give an attacker access to larger networks. 

Computer scientist and mathematician Robert Wiener coined the term Cybernetics,”the science of communications and automatic control systems in machines and living things.” In Chapter 1 of Schneiner’s book, cybernetics discuss covering devices like thermostats, baby monitors, and smart speakers that now make up the cyber ecosystem. This increased device integration brings complexity and raises security costs, making ongoing vigilance essential. As Schneier states, “The attacker has to find one vulnerability and the defender has to secure the entire attack surface” (Schneier 27), a challenge that puts defenders at a fundamental disadvantage.

Defining cyber warfare presents a significant challenge, varying between state actors and organizations. “Some say cyberwar is coming. Some say cyberwar is here. Some say cyberwar is a term that everyone uses, that no one agrees on, and that has no agreed-upon definition” (Schneier 68). Schneier emphasizes that cyber warfare remains ambiguously defined in international security, which complicates responses to cyberattacks. Cyber law principles such as distinction, precaution, and proportionality could provide a framework for state and non-state actors to address cyberattacks. Schneier’s analysis of cases like the United States’ “limited response” to North Korea’s Sony breach and the 2016 Russian interference in U.S. elections highlights the lack of established international norms and legal frameworks in cyber conflict, restraining national responses (Schneier 71). This ambiguity complicates defense strategies and leaves room for exploitation by bad actors. A major theme in Schneier’s work is the need for policy reform in cybersecurity, especially regarding legacy systems that cannot adequately defend against modern attacks. “The National Institute of Standards and Technologies framework for improving critical infrastructure is a great example of this type of standard. Unfortunately, the NIST cybersecurity framework is only voluntary at this stage, but it’s gaining traction. In 2017 it became mandatory for federal agencies” (Schneier 123). 

Schneier calls for extending this framework to private industries, proposing incentives for compliance or penalties for non-adoption. He advocates for a security-by-design approach, embedding cybersecurity at the design phase to minimize vulnerabilities. As we’ve observed, policy follows precedent (Jarmon), and only mandatory frameworks can create a consistent security standard. While governments play a key role, the private sector, which owns much of the critical infrastructure, often prioritizes short-term profitability over security investments. According to tech analyst firm Gartner, 2018 internet security spending was projected at $93 billion, but cost considerations limit consumer and producer willingness to invest in robust security (Schneier 101). Schneier highlights the need for a public-private partnership to address these gaps and establish effective security frameworks.

Schneier’s book proceeds to stress collaboration between consumers and manufacturers in securing IoT products. Schneier argues that consumers, often lacking the necessary knowledge to secure devices, rely on manufacturers to build security into their products. He proposes that cybersecurity experts should educate less-informed users, creating a collective digital security framework. He also emphasizes that cybersecurity must be treated as a public good, requiring investment from both private and public sectors. 

Cybercriminal tactics continue evolving, and Schneier’s suggestions underscore the need for consistent security funding and development. Schneier’s discussion of cyber systems’ global interconnectedness, which he refers to as “Internet+,” highlights the urgency of international cooperation. Digital borders cannot protect against malicious threats, as vulnerabilities in one country’s infrastructure can easily impact others. Schneier emphasizes that the growing asymmetry between attackers and defenders makes it difficult to execute proportionate responses. Without international cybersecurity standards, countries lack coordinated responses to prevent and manage cyber threats. He suggests that proactive international collaboration could help prevent escalation into physical conflicts. Ultimately, cyberattacks carry risks to economic stability and diplomatic relations, underscoring Schneier’s call for a globally unified approach to cybersecurity.

Although Schneier supports increased regulation and international collaboration, critics worry that these efforts could hinder innovation or infringe on privacy rights. Schneier addresses these concerns by arguing that the risks of insufficient regulation far outweigh potential drawbacks. He encourages educating the public on cybersecurity practices to help consumers make informed security decisions, ultimately strengthening individual and collective resilience against cyber threats. His analysis suggests that cyber threats pose risks not only to national security but to global stability. As cyberattacks increasingly threaten the global economy and international relations, Schneier’s advocacy for comprehensive policies and international standards offers a reminder that proactive measures, rather than reactive responses, will shape our secure, interconnected future.

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Donna Victoria Bell-Tchega is a graduate student at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU, pursuing an M.S. in Global Security, Conflict, and Cybercrime. Her research centers on analyzing and addressing threats posed by violent extremism and terrorism in the United States, with a particular focus on public and religious institutions, and exploring equitable and effective prosecution strategies. She also serves as a Community Outreach Liaison at a nonprofit in New York City, working to combat homelessness and housing insecurity.

Work Cited

Jarmon, Jack A., and Pano Yannakogeorgos. The Cyber Threat and Globalization: The Impact on U.S. National and International Security, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2018.
Nye, Joseph. “Cyber Power.” Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School, May 2010.

Schneier, Bruce. Click Here to Kill Everybody: Security and Survival in a Hyper-connected World. New York, W.W. Norton & Company, 2018.

UCSD Robotics Research. “Chapter 1: Introduction to Robotics.” Accessed October 27, 2024. http://robotics.ucsd.edu/rr_chap01.pdf.


Filed Under: Book Reviews, Global Affairs Review - Archives, Opinion

Tribalism in Germany– Us versus Them(?)

January 30, 2025 by mg7601 Leave a Comment

By Jennifer Hofmann

Photo By Rasmus Gundorff Sæderup

 

Tribalism in Germany – Us versus Them (?) explores the complex dynamics of tribalism and its impact on Germany’s national and global role. Highlighting the rise of the far-right AfD party, the piece examines how tribalism fuels anti-immigrant rhetoric, pressures liberal policies, and threatens Germany’s commitment to the international liberal order. Yet, it also considers the potential for positive tribalism to foster belonging and cultural exchange, offering hope for a more inclusive and cooperative future.
 

Tribalism – “the state of existing as a tribe, or a very strong feeling of loyalty to your tribe” (Cambridge Dictionary) – is an important part of human nature that can shape human interactions, leading groups to adopt certain ideological thinking and values that may distort the cognitive processing of information, affirming the views of the ingroup (Clark and Winegard 1). Thus, tribalism affects the tribe’s relations to the “outside world”, shaping its approach to international relations. As Chua states, tribalism has even started to pose a threat towards the postwar liberal international order (Chua 1-2). My home country Germany illustrates the truth behind that statement.

Ever since the end of World War II, democratic Germany has been an integral part of the liberal world order, being crucial in the establishment and the success of the European Union (EU), supporting NATO’s collective security framework, and actively engaging in the United Nations’ initiatives for peace, stability, and human rights. Despite this, tribalism can be found throughout Germany, from the sovereignty aspirations in Bavaria to the closed-off communities of Turkish migrants in German cities. Yet the most compelling example demonstrating the impact of tribalism on Germany’s role on the global stage is the rise of the right-wing party, “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD). 

Since its foundation in 2013, the party has increasingly developed a far-right, populist profile (Decker). Nowadays, its leaders have established a clear “us-versus-them” narrative, where “us” encompasses the “German population” and “them” the growing population with a migrant background. Examples of this narrative can be found in statements of party officials as well as campaign slogans, like the 2017 poster, “New Germans? Let’s make them ourselves!” depicting a pregnant, blonde woman (Koenigs). Furthermore, Alice Weidel, co-chairwomen and chancellor-candidate, declared that “burqas, headscarf girls, publicly-supported knife men, and other good-for-nothings” would not serve German prosperity (Breitenback and Hallam). This anti-immigrant sentiment in Germany culminated in November 2023, when far-right extremists, politicians and supporters with connections to the AfD met in Potsdam to discuss a “master plan” for the mass deportation of foreigners and “non-assimilated” Germans (Shelton). The AfD has increasingly embraced this radicalized rhetoric, frequently employing terms like “remigration” in public discourse.. 

This anti-immigrant rhetoric has proven successful, resonating with voters and leading to strong results in the European and Eastern State elections in Germany. Francis Fukuyama, in “The New Tribalism and the Crisis of Democracy”, might provide an answer as to why the AfD has found such support amongst the German voters. Examining Trump’s U.S. popularity, he finds that many of his supporters, who identify as white working class, feel victimized and disregarded by the elites. Fukuyama accurately describes how the freedom and the degree of choice within modern liberal societies can leave people feeling unsatisfied and disconnected (Fukuyama 102-105). Thus, they might find themselves nostalgic for the ordered life and community they think they have lost and that their ancestors possessed.

This sentiment can be found amongst many Germans that feel their security, jobs, and culture are threatened by the influx of immigrants. For example, in my hometown many people vocalize their fear of German culture being undermined by the arrival of immigrants with different religions, cultures, and morals. They also view their safety as compromised by traumatized and “dangerous” refugees. In order to preserve the Germany their ancestors built, some view it as their only option to vote for the AfD and restrict the arrival of “those others”. 

This rise of the AfD, riding on tribalism that unites Germans feeling threatened by the negative perception of immigrants, has several implications for Germany’s role on the global stage. Firstly, the AfD’s success has pressured the German government to reintroduce border controls and abandon the “Willkommenskultur” Merkel introduced in 2015 (Shukla et al.). Thus, Germany also contradicted the principles of the Schengen Agreement, which guarantees free movement across member states without internal border controls, undermining the foundation of European unity and threatening the liberal international order. Secondly, the shift of German voters to the right has led to immense insecurity and instability in the former center-left coalition led by Chancellor Scholz. Given the populations’ evident discontent as well as internal coalition disputes, the German government has indeed collapsed, with Scholz losing a vote of confidence on December 16, 2024, and new elections scheduled for February 2025. From an outside perspective, Germany seems paralyzed by its failed government, causing concern among fellow European States who might have to take the lead in EU matters, such as the ongoing war in Ukraine (Marsh). Beyond that, the rise of the AfD gives reason for further doubts about Germany’s future in the liberal world order, as the party has previously toyed with propositions of Germany leaving NATO as well as the EU (Hockenos). Thirdly and more broadly, German tribalism, expressed by but not limited to the rise of the AfD, fosters mistrust and pressure to further isolate “the Germans” from outside influences. 

Summarily, the tribalism portrayed and supported by the AfD has caused Germany to slowly abandon its former liberal policies and to adopt a more realist stance, potentially restricting its future role in the world order. Germany – adamant defender of a liberal world order, promoter of change through trade, largest net contributor to the EU, and safe haven for millions of refugees – disengaging from the global stage would have dramatic consequences. Especially in times of multiple crises and increasing global tensions, a lack in Germany’s commitment could put the entire postwar liberal international system into jeopardy. 

 However, as stated by Clark and Winegard, tribalism is not inherently bad (Clark and Winegard 2). Tribalism can also enable a feeling of belonging and togetherness, as demonstrated by my hometown’s folklore group, for example. It brings together people of all ages, uniting them in the goal to uphold and celebrate the culture of the region through traditional clothing and dancing. This folklore group has strong global ties to other groups. For example, last year a group from Latvia paid a visit and shared their own traditions and culture with the locals. Thus, both groups fostered a mutual understanding for each other’s tribes and established enduring friendships. This simple connection makes me believe in the existence of positive tribalism, when it is not weaponized by “us-versus-them”-populism, such as the AfD’s. Tribalism in this perspective does not foster isolationism, but rather the motivation to share one’s own culture, the curiosity to learn more about others, and the desire to celebrate the diversity of the international world order.


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Jennifer Hofmann is a first-year graduate student pursuing a degree in Global Affairs, Global Economy. With extensive experience in political environments, she has worked at various levels, from being an elected member of the local district parliament, assisting Members of Parliament in the Hessian State Parliament to contributing to international organizations like the Konrad-Adenauer-Foundation at the United Nations. Her work spans research, advocacy, and policy development, giving her a unique perspective on both local and global political dynamics.
 

Works Cited

Breitenbach, D. & Hallam, M. (n.d.): AfD leaders and their most offensive remarks, in Deutsche Welle, in https://www.dw.com/en/afd-leaders-and-their-most-offensive-remarks/g-37651099. Accessed 25 October 2024

Cambridge Dictionary (n.d.): tribalism, in https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/tribalism. Accessed 25 October 2024

Chua, A. (2018): Tribal World. Group Identity Is All, in Foreign Affairs 

Clark, C.J. & Winegard, B.M. (2020): Tribalism in War and Peace: The Nature and Evolution of Ideological Epistemology and Its Significance for Modern Social Science, in Psychological Inquiry, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1-22 

Decker, F. (2022): Etappen der Parteigeschichte der AfD, in Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, in https://www.bpb.de/themen/parteien/parteien-in-deutschland/afd/273130/etappen-der-parteigeschichte-der-afd/. Accessed 25 October 2024

Fukuyama, F. (2018): Against Identity Politics. The New Tribalism and the Crisis of Democracy. In Foreign Affairs, September/October 2018, pp. 90-114 

Hockenos, P. (2024): Germany’s Far-Right Party Is Worse Than the Rest of Europe’s, in Foreign Policy, in https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/01/26/afd-germany-far-right-populism-radical-europe-remigration-immigrants/. Accessed 25 October 2024

Koenigs, V. (2024): AfD: Kirche muss nicht – Kinder und Küche aber schon, in Norddeutscher Rundfunk, in https://www.ndr.de/nachrichten/niedersachsen/Die-AfD-und-ihre-Positionen-zu-Frauen-und-Familie,afd3132.html. Accessed 25 October 2024 

Marsh, S. (2024): Far-right state win shakes Germany’s fragile coalition, in Reuters, in https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/far-right-state-win-shakes-germanys-fragile-coalition-2024-09-01/. Accessed 25 October 2024

Shelton, J. (2024): Germany: Report shows deeper AfD ties to Potsdam meeting, in Deutsche Welle, in https://www.dw.com/en/germany-report-shows-deeper-afd-ties-to-potsdam-meeting/a-68127057. Accessed 25 October 2024

Shukla, S., Schmidt, N., Otto, M. (2024): Goodbye, ‘welcome culture.’ Germany bows to far-right pressure and tightens its borders, in CNN World, in https://www.cnn.com/2024/09/21/europe/germany-borders-poland-scholz-intl/index.html. Accessed 25 October 2024

 

 

Filed Under: Global Economy, International Relations/Global Futures, Opinion, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Transnational Security, Uncategorized

Gender Perspectives in Climate Change

November 14, 2024 by vsu204 Leave a Comment

by Nidhi Jariwala

Photo of climate, protest, union square, and san francisco in San Francisco , United States by Li-An Lim (@li_anlim)

As climate disasters escalate and destroy livelihoods, women and girls in developing countries will continue to endure the full weight of the harmful impacts. This paper examines international cases where women and girls face the negative effects of climate change, the disruptions this causes to development, and recommendations to overcome the issue. 

(Photo Credit : Unsplash) 

Introduction

Although developed countries are the main perpetrators of climate change, the effects disproportionately impact developing countries (Bhargawa and Bhargava). Women and other marginalized groups in developing countries bear the brunt of the consequences. Including gender perspectives in climate change discussions is essential for development, because climate disasters exacerbate existing inequalities and disproportionately affect women. As a result, women in developing countries face an increased risk of trafficking and sexual exploitation, poverty, food insecurity, violence, and internal and/or external displacement (UN Women). This is particularly severe for women in rural and agricultural areas, women in conflict zones, and indigenous women. This paper displays the negative effects these women face, and provides effective solutions to include gender perspectives in climate action and economic development.

Why are climate disasters harmful to development?

40% of the global labor force is dependent on the environment and the surrounding ecosystems, especially agriculture-related jobs (UN Women). When climate disasters destroy arable land, it results in job losses, economic harm, and food insecurity for millions. Furthermore, climate change harms workers’ health, safety, and well-being. Not only can workers be injured during the disasters themselves, but climate change also worsens existing diseases like malaria and dengue fever, negatively affecting worker’s health, and therefore their productivity (Jordan). Climate disasters also destroy existing infrastructure, factories, and supply chain operations. When supply chains are disrupted, they harm livelihoods and businesses, resulting in  billions of dollars in losses. In 2020 alone, climate-driven disasters including hurricanes, wildfires, and floods cost the global economy $210 billion in damage (Newburger).

Why are gender perspectives important in development?

Gender empowerment has been shown to increase Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in states (UN Women). When women are empowered, they gain access to quality livelihoods and education, which helps them develop valuable skills. This further enables more women to work in quality jobs, boosting both their incomes and the state’s economy (UN Women). As previously stated, climate disasters increase the vulnerability of women and girls to sexual and gender-based violence, which carries significant economic costs for survivors, communities, and the state. For instance, marital violence in Egypt results in the loss of about 500,000 workdays each year and costs the health sector over $14 million to serve just 25% of survivors (UN Women). Likewise, in Morocco, the cost of physical and sexual violence  reaches approximately $308 million each year (UN Women). In 2021, gender-based violence globally cost over $390 billion, with violence against women accounting for about 79% of this figure (UN Women). The impact of such violence extends beyond immediate physical and psychological harm, leading to long-term negative consequences that affect everyone.

Women also face significant disparities in the context of climate change. Climate-related challenges push more women into poverty, with 1 in 10 women already living in extreme poverty globally (UN Women). Women are 14 times more likely to die during climate disasters than men (OECD), while also making up 80% of those displaced by climate-related events (UNICEF). For example, in the 2010 floods in Pakistan, over 70% of those displaced were women and children (Halton). Poor families often force their daughters to drop out of school to help them work in the family’s livelihoods or marry them off at young ages to relieve financial constraints especially after disasters (Ripon and Chow). These stark gender disparities underscore the importance of  closing gender gaps to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 13, Climate Action. However, it is not only SDG 13 that should include gendered perspectives. Rather, every SDG would benefit from including gendered perspectives, as women are disproportionately affected and often overlooked. In fact, the Paris Agreement of 2015 only mentions the word “gender” three times and the word “women” once (UNFCCC). This is very concerning when trying to gain perspective on the issue, because the people who can form the best solutions are often those that are most affected.

Women in rural/agricultural areas in developing countries

Women and girls play significant roles in agriculture nutrition, and natural resource management (UN Women). While climate disasters threaten their livelihoods, they continue to find ways to adapt and combat these hardships. Women are often involved in farming and livestock management, but climate disasters, like droughts and floods, worsen agricultural conditions (UN Women). Not to mention, societal expectations often require women and girls to stay and maintain the land rather than move to safer areas, while also managing household and family responsibilities. This increased focus on securing their livelihoods reduces their time and  opportunities for education and income. Furthermore, when their land is destroyed, women and girls are more likely to experience higher rates of food insecurity.

Rural women in Latin America

In Latin American countries, about 58 million women live in rural areas, but only 30% of them actually own the agricultural land they work on (Oxfam International). Additionally, less than 5% have access to technical assistance, which is crucial for sustainable farming (Oxfam International). Maria Nazareth dos Santos, a rural woman in Brazil, said her community’s territory was lost to sugarcane plantations and faces conflict over fertile land (Oxfam International). In Cuba, rural women farmers have had to adapt after struggling with climate disasters. They have used solar energy and shade cultivation to manage their irrigation systems and adapt to climate change (Oxfam International). While this is a significant step forward in using renewable energy, adapting to these disasters heavily disrupts the work of women farmers.

Salt Water Exposure in Bangladesh

Rural women in Bangladesh work in agriculture, but are often in charge of childcare and other unpaid domestic work, as well. In addition to this intense work, women often face more extreme health issues. Thousands of women in Bangladesh face reproductive issues from salt water exposure. A 2019 study found that about 20 million people in Bangladesh’s coastal regions are affected by salinity exposure in drinking water (Ripon and Chow). Asma Akhter, a rural woman in Satkhira, Bangladesh, depends on a local river for her family’s survival and livelihood (Ripon and Chow). However, the rising sea levels, cyclones, and floods have added salt water to the river and surrounding soil (Ripon and Chow). These disasters have ruined the drinking water, fishing grounds, farming soil, and washing ponds, cutting off the surrounding communities from clean drinking water (Ripon and Chow). The increased salinity in the drinking water can lead to conditions such as increased blood pressure, hypertension, and preeclampsia in pregnant women (Ripon and Chow).

Additionally, bathing or standing in saltwater for long periods of time can increase women’s risk of reproductive tract infections and disrupt menstruation. This disproportionately affects women and girls, who are often responsible for collecting water and food (Ripon and Chow). At age 25, Akhter underwent a hysterectomy, following  the painful birth of her second child (Ripon and Chow). Her doctors stated that her illnesses were caused by exposure to salt water (Ripon and Chow). Lipi Khanom, another woman in rural Bangladesh, has faced  irregular periods and abdominal pain as a result of  salt water exposure (Ripon and Chow). Additionally, she and her husband have struggled to conceive a second child, a situation her husband largely blames on her (Ripon and Chow).

Salt water exposure can also lead to malnutrition, especially in children, with another woman, Shefali Bibi, pointing out that children’s bodies are not growing properly (Ripon and Chow). Akhter has also stated there is no fresh water source in the village, as such it takes her two hours to travel and get some from outside the area (Ripon and Chow). Jahanara Begum, a 65-year-old woman with uterine cancer and diabetes, now travels four miles to get fresh drinking water (Ripon and Chow).

Earthquakes in Haiti

The 2010 earthquake in Haiti was catastrophic and left women and girls in unlivable conditions (Human Rights Watch). Before the earthquake, healthcare services for women and girls were inadequate, and even after free services became available, many women lacked access to reproductive, sexual, and maternal healthcare (Human Rights Watch). Additionally, many women faced food insecurity, causing them to exchange sex for food (Human Rights Watch). Poor living and security conditions in displacement camps led to increased sexual and gender-based violence. Pregnant women had to give birth on unsanitary floors in tents, in streets, and alleys on the way to hospitals (Human Rights Watch). One woman reported giving  birth on a street corner after a hospital refused to admit her due to her inability to afford a cesarean section (Human Rights Watch). Another woman stated that she gave birth on the ground without any pain relief (Human Rights Watch).

The aftermath of the earthquake led to an increased rate of transactional or survival sex for women and girls in the camps (Human Rights Watch). With few opportunities for income, many women formed relationships with men for financial or food security. Oftentimes, they lacked access to contraception and other safe sex services, which led to more unexpected pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections (Human Rights Watch). However, even when these services were accessible, many women and girls did not use them due to a lack of knowledge regarding their availability and locations, or because they could not afford transportation to reach them (Human Rights Watch). Additionally, many were too afraid, ashamed, or traumatized by past sexual violence to seek the available care that they needed (Human Rights Watch).

On August 14, 2021, another earthquake struck Haiti, causing significant damage to hospitals, health centers, and schools (UN Women). Furthermore, freshwater systems, as well as agricultural and livestock farming were severely impacted. The total economic losses from these damages amounted to approximately $1.5 billion, representing about 10% of Haiti’s GDP (UN Women). One of the most pressing consequences was the lack of safe drinking water, which disproportionately affected women and girls, as they are often responsible for retrieving water for their families. This made them more vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence. In many cases, the aftermath of such climate disasters compounds their struggles, forcing women and girls into desperate situations to survive.

Women in conflict areas

Climate disasters exacerbate conflicts as droughts and floods decrease the availability of freshwater and agricultural land (Jaramillo et al 11). This creates further conflict among people in the agricultural labor force, which, as previously stated, falls heavily on women. Regions and states in conflict often dedicate significant amounts of their budgets to military spending leaving little funding for education, social services, and healthcare, especially for women and girls. With few income and educational opportunities available, many women and girls subsequently resort to sex work, making them even more vulnerable to sexual violence and other dangers.

Women Farmers in Yemen

Fragile states are more susceptible to climate disasters, resulting in severe negative consequences for civilians, particularly marginalized groups. A 2019 article from Amnesty International stated that Yemen is one of the worst places in the world to be a woman due to conflict and sexual violence, which are exacerbated by climate disasters. After years of conflict, rural communities in Yemen have become heavily dependent on women farmers (World Bank). These women face significant risks of injury while retrieving drinking water and harvesting crops, yet persist in these efforts to mitigate food insecurity and financial instability. By 2016, about a year after the conflict began, the amount of arable land decreased by 38% (World Bank). About 66% of people in Yemen rely on agriculture for financial means and over 75% live in rural areas (World Bank). Women constitute about 95% of Yemen’s labor force Women are very involved in land management, but are also burdened with domestic chores (World Bank). Iqbal Al-Jubeiry, a 26-year-old farmer, travels long distances to fetch water for herself and her family (World Bank). She shared the story of a pregnant woman who she traveled with to retrieve fresh drinking water. On their route, she fell and had a miscarriage (World Bank).

Olive and Grape Farming in Palestine

Despite conducting over 70% of farming and agriculture duties, women are still expected to manage domestic and household responsibilities, while men are viewed as the primary farmers and decision-makers of the household (Casas et al. 35). In Gaza, 61% of women have experienced gender-based violence, reporting that blockades and electricity cuts lead men to commit more acts of domestic violence against women (Casas et al. 36). Blockades and conflict leave little to no worker rights protection including in payments. This makes it difficult to earn minimum wage, especially when women are paid around 30% less than the average daily wage for men (Casas et al. 36). Many Palestinian farmers fear losing their crops and livelihoods to climate disasters. The climate risks identified by women farmers include declines in precipitation, rising temperatures, extreme winds and heat waves, and increased water and soil salinity, all of which can lead to reproductive health issues.

 Palestinian women have also reported experiencing economic stress due to the loss of livelihoods from extreme weather (Casas et al. 41). Climate disasters decrease production levels, and many women work in processing for olive and grape sectors (Casas et al. 41). These disasters adversely affect women’s income, often leading to negative consequences for their families. Additionally, loss of income leads to tension within the household, as workers, especially women, cannot meet their family’s needs. This is especially so for women, since societal norms put pressure on familial and household needs. Increased economic vulnerability often results in heightened gender-based and domestic violence (Casas et al. 41). Men often prioritize personal expenses over those of the household, placing a greater financial burden on women (Casas et al. 41). As a result of societal norms, women and girls also face increased unpaid domestic work and childcare responsibilities (Casas et al. 41).

Somalia

Somalia has experienced heavy floods and extreme drought, with women and girls disproportionately suffering from armed conflict and climate disasters. One woman and her daughter walked about 25 miles every day to get drinking water (Svensson and Rex). Consequently, her daughter dropped out of school to assist with water collection, but eventually, the family had to leave their home due to the ongoing drought (Svensson and Rex). Women and girls are at a greater risk of malnutrition, as societal norms often dictate that they are the last to eat in their families. Faced with food scarcity, many women and girls in Somalia often turn to sex work for survival (Svensson and Rex). While traveling long distances to retrieve food and water, they are particularly vulnerable to gender-based violence due to the unsafe conditions and long routes (Svensson and Rex).

Afghanistan

Afghan women already endure numerous hardships due to the Taliban’s intense restrictions, and climate disasters further exacerbate their situation. As of 2022, about 23 million people experienced food insecurity during the peak of winter, with 8.7 million at risk of starvation (UN Women). This situation is particularly detrimental for pregnant and breastfeeding women, as about 25% require life-saving nutritional support (UN Women).

Indigenous women

Since indigenous groups have close physical connections to their environment, climate disasters harm them greatly. In 2019, a dam burst in the Amazon rainforest in Brazil, disrupting the indigenous groups who heavily relied on it for fishing, obtaining food and water, and bathing (Alberti). However, these groups depend on the government to address these issues, but indigenous rights are typically not a government priority. Indigenous communities depend on the rainforest for hygiene and health, which disproportionately impacts women and girls. Their reproductive and sexual health is particularly at risk. A 2021 report indicates that 17% of the Amazon rainforest has been lost (Jones). This is extremely concerning for the environment, as the rainforest absorbs 25% of the world’s carbon dioxide (National Geographic). However, this number has decreased since the 1990s due to widespread deforestation for cattle ranching, farming, and other activities (National Geographic).

These cases in rural areas, conflict zones, and indigenous lands show the intense struggles women and girls face after climate disasters. As previously shown, the aftermath of a climate disaster is often more detrimental to women and girls than the disaster itself.

Solutions

Women are taking proactive steps, not waiting for their governments or the international community to take action. Sarah Zein, a Syrian woman, noticed the severe overcrowding of traffic in Damascus (UN Sustainable Development Goals). Numerous security checkpoints, installed due to attacks and bombings, made commutes to work and school excessively long. Traffic, aggressive drivers, and sexual harassment were rampant on the streets. In response, Zein created the “Yalla Let’s Bike” (Come on Let’s Bike) initiative. The initiative aimed to defy gender roles and promote eco-friendly transportation methods. Zein and her group worked with local authorities to install bike lanes in Damascus, and since 2013, over 4000 women and girls have participated in cycling events. This initiative has empowered women and girls, lowered the city’s carbon emissions, and broken stereotypes of war (UN Sustainable Development Goals). Women and girls now represent about half of the team, with 32 women even serving as instructors. Zein stated, “Cycling gave me wings to fly away from the noises of war” and her work has been recognized by many United Nations initiatives (UN Sustainable Development Goals).

In Brazil’s Amazon rainforest, indigenous women in Congress have led the fight to protect the rainforest from mass deforestation by the government (Alberti). They have also focused on protecting indigenous women from gender-based violence. In April 2019, Sônia Guajajara, Brazil’s Minister of Indigenous Peoples and the first Indigenous woman to run for vice president, protested alongside other women against Jair Bolsonaro’s policies that led to the destruction of the Amazon rainforest.

In North America, some indigenous groups are focusing on promoting renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs). These groups emphasize the economic benefits of combating climate disasters to gain government support. In Bangladesh, indigenous groups are heavily involved in community-managed natural forests, which provide essential resources to the community and conserve the local biodiversity. While Indigenous peoples protect and care for their environments, many politicians see their land as a lucrative opportunity. Governments frequently build pipelines on indigenous land, burn fossil fuels, and in the case of the Amazon rainforest, engage in deforestation for livestock farming. While women in rural areas, conflict zones, and indigenous women are harmed the most by climate disasters, they also may be the solution to this issue.

Education and empowerment

A key solution is introducing women and girls to new technology and infrastructure. For example, the organizations TECHNOLOchicas, Girls Who Code, and Black Girls Code empower young women, especially minority women, in the Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (STEM) field. Supporting programs like these fosters innovation that is essential for combating climate change.

Furthermore, empowering women and girls in policy-making decisions, especially rural women, women in conflict zones, and indigenous women, is important. Empowerment, in this case, means creating  platforms where women can share their experiences and solutions, as well as giving them control over decisions related to reproductive and sexual health, employment , and education. Additionally, empowerment means granting access to all these resources and services. Addressing gender inequality leads to both economic growth  and a reduction in environmental degradation.

Education for governments

The need for education extends beyond women and girls. Governments desperately need education on gender inclusion in climate disasters and why gender empowerment is crucial for sustainable development goals, especially climate action. There is a major lack of awareness at both local and national levels of government. Education on this topic would allow policies on climate change to include women and minority perspectives. Thus, the United Nations has created training programs on gender perspectives in climate change and has built gender empowerment programs for every SDG (Baxter et al 18). These programs include sexual and reproductive health, particularly for women and girls.

It is also crucial for states to incorporate gender perspectives into existing climate agreements like the Paris Agreement and Kyoto Protocol. Integrating health plans that address  women’s reproductive and sexual health, along with societal factors that increase their vulnerability  to violence, can significantly mitigate the adverse effects of climate change.

Data collection

Conducting data analysis before and after climate disasters that includes gender, race, disability status, and other factors is vital to forming inclusive solutions. The data must clearly show how women are impacted differently in disasters and should include qualitative and quantitative methods. Furthermore, data on women’s health, especially reproductive care in the context of  climate disasters, must be collected.  Examples include tracking maternal mortality rates, female labor force participation, and rates of rape and sexual assault before and after a disaster. Additionally, collecting data on the leadership of women and minority groups in responding to climate disasters would be beneficial, as it is already well-documented that women play a central role in caring for their families and communities.

Investment

Investing in technology and resources for women working in agriculture to promote sustainable farming increases production and helps reduce world hunger and poverty (UNFCCC). Additionally, investing in gender equality and women’s empowerment not only combats climate change, but also fosters development. Countries with a higher representation of women in political positions are more likely to ratify international environmental treaties that benefit all SDGs. Communities that include women in capacity-building strategies tend to be more effective in their planning and outcomes. Women frequently take leadership roles in disaster risk reduction and recovery efforts, prioritizing  the needs of families and communities.

Through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, governments agreed on the Gender Action Plan. This plan calls for women’s participation in climate processes and ensures women’s involvement in decision-making. Agreements like these are instrumental for gender empowerment, environmental protection, and development.

Furthermore, in 2021 the United Nations Sustainable Development Group held an event for Haitian women in rural areas (UN Sustainable Development Group). On October 15th, the International Day of Rural Women, the UN Sustainable Development Group highlighted stories of rural women in the agricultural and food sector and how they navigate the negative effects of climate disasters. The event was held to address the fact that women are often excluded from decision-making and policy development, even on issues that directly affect them. State governments and the international community must invest in more initiatives like this to amplify women’s voices and ensure their perspectives are included.

 

Conclusion

Overall, women and girls, particularly those in developing countries, are largely excluded from climate action decision-making. This needs to change. The international community and state governments must prioritize gender inclusion in climate-related decisions and ensure that  women in rural areas, conflict zones, and indigenous communities have access to the  necessary resources and services, as they are disproportionately affected by climate change. Investing in gender-responsive data collection, quality education, and the future of women and girls is the key to combating climate change and promoting development.

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Nidhi Jariwala is a second-year student pursuing an MS in Global Affairs with a concentration in International Development & Humanitarian Assistance. She has a Bachelor’s degree in Economics and Global Studies and has conducted research on a wide range of topics including gender equality in the context of climate change, corruption in human trafficking, and sustainable energy usage for low-income communities. Outside of school, she has worked at refugee resettlement agencies including the International Rescue Committee and the International Institute of Minnesota. 


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Indigenous Peoples, United Nations, www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/climate-change.html. Accessed 28 Apr. 2024.

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Filed Under: Environment & Energy Policy, Global Affairs Review - Archives

Policy Memorandum: Obama’s 2009 COIN Surge in Afghanistan

January 30, 2024 by krc8929 Leave a Comment

by Emma Chevalier Trager-Lewis
 
 
Nearly three years have passed since the complete withdrawal of American forces in Afghanistan in what is now deemed as the biggest failure in American military intervention and foreign policy. This policy memorandum sheds light on the inadequacy of President Obama’s 2009 COIN surge in Afghanistan. (Photo credit: andre_klimke on Unsplash)

 

“Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards […] I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan” said former President Barack Obama when he addressed the American population from West Point Military Academy on December 1, 2009. After eight years of American presence in Afghanistan,  the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation’s (NATO) military approach to the conflict required change not only in its strategy, but also in its understanding of the Afghan conflict. Moreover, NATO’s International Security Forces in Afghanistan (ISAF), as well as the U.S. Forces in Afghanistan (USFOR-A) lacked the support of the Afghan population  and failed to appear as an Afghan ally –appearing instead as a foreign invader. In August 2009, General McChrystal, Commander of the ISAF, along with  General Patreus and Admiral Mullen, crafted the COIN Surge (2009-2012), a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy inspired by counterinsurgency techniques used by the former British Empire,  and David Galula’s expertise in counterinsurgency. McChrystal’s COIN doctrine rested on four main pillars: (1) improving ISAF’s effectiveness through a greater partnership with the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF); (2) prioritizing responsive and accountable governance; (3) reversing the insurgency’s momentum; and (4) focusing resources on areas where the population was vulnerable.  According to former American Ambassador to Afghanistan, Karl Eikenberry, “the stated aim was to secure the Afghan people by employing methods of “clear, hold, and build” (2013), meaning that the goal of the COIN was not to only crush the Taliban insurgency (clear), but  also to establish political legitimacy and concrete governance in Afghanistan (build) to prevent the  return to a Taliban regime (hold). The efficiency of the COIN stood on three critical assumptions:  (1) the goal of protecting the Afghan population was both clear and attainable,  (2) “higher levels of foreign assistance and support would substantially increase the Afghan government’s capacity and legitimacy” (Eikenberry), and (3)President Karzai’s preferred political-military approach would match America’s COIN tactic. 

While McChrystal fervently defended and pushed for the adoption of the COIN approach, Ambassador Karl Eikenberry vehemently opposed the technique, claiming that McChrystal had clearly underestimated the risks linked to a military surge and an expansion of the American mandate (Eikenberry). While a counterinsurgency approach focused on the welfare of the local population, the Afghan social, political, historical and geographical terrain did not allow for the correct implementation of such strategy. Indeed, although the COIN approach allowed for the removal of important Taliban cells in Southern Afghanistan, the lack of Pakistani support hindered the complete destruction of the Taliban. In addition, a lack of collaboration and coherence between the USFOR-A / ISAF and the Afghan government stood in the way of nation-building. What is more, while the counterinsurgency approach aimed at fostering a steady Afghan governance, America pushed for a hyper-centralized type of governance, failing to take into account the importance of Pashtunwali in the Afghan culture, and its aversion to centralization. 

This policy memorandum bases its analysis on three main areas impacted by the COIN Surge: 1. Afghan state formation;  2. strong and steady Afghan governance;  and 3. concrete political legitimacy of the Karzai government. 

Implications of the COIN Surge with regards to the Afghan state formation 

Political scientists Badie, Barg-Schlosser and Morlino define state formation as “the process of leading to the centralisation of political power within a well-defined territory” (Badie, Berg-Schlosser, Morlino). However, as demonstrated  under the regime of Amin or Najibullah, a centralisation of political power is not suited for Afghanistan. Hence, this policy memorandum approaches the question of state formation using Max Weber’s definition of the state as an authority exercising the monopoly of violence over a given territory (Weber et al.), thereby defining state formation as the process to approach a monopoly on violence held by the state. For a state entity to achieve a monopoly on violence, it needs to ensure the provision of fundamental services to its population, such as education, security, healthcare and economic welfare. As a result, based on a population-centered approach, COIN established goals relating to the strengthening of state services in order to increase Afghan support for Karzai, simultaneously decreasing the amount of insurgency supporters. Indeed, COIN put forth the idea that “a more secure and content people would rally behind the local elected and appointed officials, and peace and stability would follow”  (Eikenberry).

Researcher Hager Ali argues that although the U.S. believed the COIN Surge would help with state formation, nation-building, on the other hand, is not attainable through military involvement (Ali). Indeed, Ali believes that a sustainable “transition from foreign militaries to local political agents is hardly possible” (2021).  However, this was precisely the plan adopted by the COIN Surge: the American army was tasked by the Obama administration to securise Afghanistan by eliminating the Taliban threat before transferring security responsibilities to the ANFS. Thus, because the  primary  role of the state is to provide services through solid infrastructures, adopting  Galula’s vision of counterinsurgency strategy, many American troops were instructed to take on social worker roles. Not only was it profligate, it was also highly unrealistic to expect American soldiers with a clear lack of basic understanding of the Afghan culture to deliver what the COIN Surge doctrine asked of them. 

In addition, the COIN surge only increased the dependence of Afghanistan on the U.S. While the U.S. military, was expected to carry out social workers’ tasks for a definite period of time, COIN failed to create the necessary Afghan workforce that should have taken over U.S. troops by prioritizing military funding over development funding, thus reinforcing a dependency on U.S. troops. In addition, COIN could only work if Karzai’s goals were aligned with Obama’s. However, according to Ekeinberry, Karzai only agreed to the COIN Surge because it meant a longer American presence in Afghanistan. Karzai’s government never planned  on taking over the U.S. troops’ social commitments. To a certain extent, it is understandable that a surge in troops, especially numbering 30,000, would cause the  Afghans to believe  that the Americans were here to stay. Arguably, such a formidable surge in numbers is incompatible with a near-future withdrawal goal, especially when the military is responsible for  military,social and development duties

Finally, although the COIN Surge implied that some American troops would partake in the training of ANSF, which was a partial success, the sudden increase of American forces rendered the ANSF even more reliant on U.S. presence in Afghanistan. Additionally, due to Afghanistan’s wide ethnic diversity, the ANSF was fundamentally divided between Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks troops. Such differences hindered internal cohesion and made it almost impossible for American troops to properly train them. Indeed, because of their lack of understanding of Afghanistan’s diverse ethnic background and of existing grievances amongst said ethnic groups, the U.S. Military failed to unite Afghan troops under the hegemon of Kabul. 

All in all, with regards to state-building, COIN fell into the classic trap of aid dependency: by taking on the role of strengthening state structures in a country which had been at war for more than three decades which government had no will for the international community to leave their country, COIN fostered a culture of dependency on U.S. presence. In other words, instead of putting an emphasis on local involvement in state-building, COIN fostered a top-down approach to institutions-building, accentuating an Afghan dependence on U.S. military presence in the country. 

Implications of the COIN Surge with regards to Afghan governance

Bevir defines governance as “patterns of rule or practices of governing, [stating that] the study of governance generally approaches power as distinct from or exceeding the centralized authority of the modern state.” (2021) While COIN assumed that an increased foreign military presence would lead to a strengthened Afghan governance, COIN once again failed to do so. While oftentimes, strong and legitimate governance facilitates peace by providing a secure environment for its population, Afghanistan and its longstanding  history of internal conflict had never truly experienced  strong governance. 

Afghanistan is a highly decentralized state: with an incredible variety of ethnicities. Afghan governments always had to reconcile traditional with national and central forms of governance. However, many modern and Western forms of governance tend to clash with traditional forms of governance such as the ones put forth by Pashtuwali. While Afghanistan is objectively in dire need of uniformed security policies amongst its provinces to fight off the Taliban more effectively, the reality and Afghan history makes the installation of centralized governance impossible.  The United States’ attempt at improving  Afghan governance, both through formal and traditional mechanisms, was bound to fail because of their lack of insights and consideration into Afghan history. As Eikenberry states: “The typical 21-year-old marine is hard-pressed to win the heart and mind of his mother-in-law; can he really be expected to do the same with an ethnocentric Pashtun tribal elder?” (p.64). Although COIN claimed to be a population-centered strategy, ISAF and American troops monumentally failed at understanding Afghan culture and traditions, hindering their goal to establish good governance. 

In addition, America’s strained relationship with the Afghan government, especially illustrated through its tense relationship with President Hamid Karzai, strongly hindered the implementation of solid Afghan governance. While Karzai was reluctant to listen to America’s views  on governance, the U.S. was reluctant to compromise  with Karzai’s traditional Afghan government. Karzai, a descendant of the Khans, the traditional chefs of the Popalzai Pasthun tribe, was deeply attached to traditional governance which clashed with the COIN doctrine of centralizing Afghan governance. All in all, tense relations between the U.S. and Karzai, heavily hindered the progression of COIN with regards to governance reforms. 

Finally, the U.S. held an opposite opinion  from Karzai’s regarding  the provenance of the Taliban insurgency. While America believed the Taliban insurgency’s roots  to be native to Afghanistan and bolstered by Pakistani Inter-services Intelligence (ISI), Karzai believed the insurgency to be a form of militant extremism exported from Islamabad into Afghanistan. Such differences led to strategy clashes between Karzai and the U.S., especially regarding the American military’s crackdown on the Southern provinces of Afghanistan, such as Kandahar where Karzai was born. Further,the failure of both the U.S. and the Afghan government to enter into substantial talks with Islamabad regarding ISI’s financial and tactical support for the Taliban insurgency demonstrates  the failure of both  governments to conduct sustainable foreign relations with Pakistan. The ability to conduct foreign relations is an integral part of governance. COIN’s failure to help Karzai’s government enter into meaningful talks with their most important neighbor with regards to the Taliban insurgency proves COIN’s ineptitude in establishing sustainable governance in Afghanistan. 

All in all, relating to governance, COIN did not fulfill its central basis of a population-centered operation  by failing to strike compromises with Karzai’s government and by overlooking ancestral traditional forms of governance.

Implications of the COIN Surge with regards to the Karzai government’s political legitimacy

Political legitimacy is defined as “justifying power and obedience simultaneously in order to gain the right to govern” (Coicaud). Legitimacy usually stems from effective governance: when the state provides its citizens with appropriately needed services such as security, healthcare, and education, the government is more likely to be seen as legitimate in the eyes of the people compared to a government failing to qualify under state obligations. Unfortunately, it has been established that Karzai’s government lacked strong governance meaning that Karzai’s political legitimacy could not stem from his good governance. Although Karzai’s legitimacy had been contested upstream of COIN’s implementation, COIN failed to increase Karzai’s legitimacy. What is more, one of the partial reasons for COIN’s failure is the lack of political legitimacy enjoyed by Karzai’s government. While the COIN doctrine stood on Karzai’s government legitimacy and hence the impact Karzai’s acceptance of COIN would have on the Afghan population, Karzai’s lack of legitimacy hindered Afghans’ trust in COIN.

Factually, Karzai had been considered a puppet of the American government by the Afghan population. Having attained  the presidency through the Bonn Agreement, unofficially meaning that Karzai was directly chosen by the Americans to preside over Afghanistan in order for the U.S. to easily advance its agenda through Kabul. Afghanistan has always been reluctant  to foreign interventions in their  political sphere, because of the impact of the Mongol Empire’s invasion from 1219 to 1221  and of the countless invasion attempts carried out by the British Empire. Considering  its history as one of the only Central Asian countries to have resisted British colonialism, Afghanistan refuses the mingling of foreign powers into its national governance. Hence, Karzai’s ascension to power goes against some of the most important Afghan values. The Afghan people always viewed Karzai’s Decisions as being  influenced by an American agenda. As a result, Karzai’s political legitimacy was not nationally recognised, part of the Afghan population held intense grievances against him. 

Over the course of Enduring Freedom, America’s mission in Afghanistan, more than 70,000 civilians (Brown University) had  been killed. Although the number of civilian casualties was lower between 2009 and 2012, the killing of non-hostile individuals by American and ISAF forces strongly impacted America’s standing in Afghanistanand Karzai’s popularity and legitimacy in the eyes of the Afghan population. COIN only decreased Karzai’s legitimacy: the U.S.’ decision to surge was seen by the Afghans as an increase in the possible threat to their security posed by American troops. While COIN aimed at having a population-centered approach,, COIN failed to do so and undoubtedly increased Afghans’ distrust in U.S. troops. However, the trust of the population is one of the fundamental aspects of an adequate counter-insurgency strategy.  The more trust Afghans have  for  American troops and Karzai’s government, the less likely they are to join the insurgency. However, since Karzai failed to  provide basic services and protection from both the Taliban and  criminal opium narco-traffickers, the Afghan population failed to see him as a legitimate leader. Not only by failing to improve Karzai’s legitimacy, but also by assuming that Karzai was already considered as a legitimate leader in the eyes of the Afghan population, the COIN doctrine was unable to secure the support of the majority of the Afghan population, a fundamentally primordial aspect of the U.S. military strategy. 

All in all, while Karzai’s lack of political legitimacy in the eyes of the Afghan population impeded on the COIN doctrine, the COIN doctrine also failed to strengthen Karzai’s political legitimacy, one of the main pillars of the U.S. military strategy. Because the U.S. failed to take into account Afghanistan’s history and tradition, COIN was incredibly flawed with regards to Afghan leaders’ political legitimacy. 

It can be said without a doubt that the COIN Surge doctrine failed. By failing to take into account Afghanistan’s history, traditional process and relation to a centralized power, the U.S. adopted a military strategy unfit for Afghanistan’s political, cultural and geographical terrain. Although COIN might have, to a certain extent, worked in Iraq in 2007, the U.S. adopting COIN in Afghanistan demonstrates how inadequate McChrystal’s understanding of Afghanistan was. Instead of having opted for the COIN Surge doctrine, as argued by Kael Weston, the U.S. should have opted for a “smaller but enduring force” to fight off the insurgency (Chandrasekaran). As the adage “Rome was not built in a day” implies, nation-building, strong governance, and political legitimacy cannot be expected to easily be created in a country, which in 2009, had been at war for the past 30 years. While invading Taliban-ruled Afghanistan is not an option for the United States, neither is forgetting about the consequences of a 20-year American presence in Afghanistan. While it is imperative that international and intergovernmental relief agencies such as the United Nations continue their crucial work inside Afghanistan, it is of the utmost importance that the international community, led by the United States, refuses to consider the Taliban authority as the de jure Afghan government. Former U.S. Chargé D’affaires for Afghanistan, Karen Decker, refusal to directly and openly name the Taliban as a terrorist organization on television (Amu TV), only gives rise to Taliban’s legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. Hence, it is crucial for the international community not to engage in  any further negotiations with the Taliban in order to diminish  their de facto legitimacy as the current Afghan authority. 

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Emma Chevalier Trager-Lewis is a French/British Graduate Student at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. In addition to her background in Law and Peacebuilding, Emma’s research focuses on violent extremism, salafi jihadism and mass displacement caused by war and political instability. With a regional focus on Sub-Saharan Africa and the Greater Middle East, Emma aims to become a war correspondent and document the stories of those the general public too often decides to ignore.


Works Cited

Ali, Hager. “Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan Failed Long before the Taliban Took Over.” The Loop, September 30th, 2021. Web. Retrieved from https://theloop.ecpr.eu/counterinsurgency-in-afghanistan-failed-long-before-the-taliban-took-over/

Amu TV. “Interview with US Charge d’affaires Karen Decker.” Amu TV, 4 May 2023. Web. Retrieved from amu.tv/47246/

Badie, Bertrand, et al. “International Encyclopedia of Political Science.” Sage Knowledge, SAGE Publications, Inc., 4 Oct. 2011. Web. Retrieved from doi.org/10.4135/9781412994163.;

Bevir, Mark. “Governance.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc, 2021. Web Retrieved from www.britannica.com/topic/governance. 

Brown University. “Human and Budgetary Costs to Date of the U.S. War in Afghanistan, 2001-2022.” The Costs of War, 2022. Web. Retrieved from https://watson.brown.edu/costsofwar/figures/2021/human-and-budgetary-costs-date-us-war-afghanistan-2001-2022 

Chandrasekaran, Rajiv. “The Afghan Surge Is Over.” Foreign Policy, 26 Sept. 2012. Web. Retrieved from foreignpolicy.com/2012/09/25/the-afghan-surge-is-over/.

Coicaud, Jean-Marc. “What Is Political Legitimacy? (Chapter 1) – Legitimacy and Politics.” Cambridge Core, Cambridge University Press, 2002. Web. Retrieved from www.cambridge.org/core/books/legitimacy-and-politics/what-is-political-legitimacy/C3AD5C3FB8D24A86D84FAFECDB9ABF90.;

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Filed Under: International Relations/Global Futures, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Transnational Security

Wounds yet to heal: Analyzing trauma within the scope of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide

January 22, 2024 by krc8929 Leave a Comment

by Karina Casarez

Nearly three decades have passed since the tragic events of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, with a significant portion of the population suffering from mental health disorders and trauma symptoms. This research examines the specific factors of trauma endured by survivors, perpetrators, and their children, shedding light on prevailing gaps and needs within victim services. (Photo credit: helloitsrufio on Unsplash)

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda left between 800,000 and one million people brutally killed after a horrific 100 days of civil war and slaughter (United Nations Outreach Program). Approximately 75% of the country’s Tutsi ethnic minority and numerous Hutu moderates were massacred by Rwandan Hutu government soldiers and Interahamwe militia forces (Rieder and Elbert). Primarily using traditional weapons such as machetes and clubs, neighbors attacked neighbors, resulting in three months of looting, sexual violence, and murder, constituting genocide (Rieder and Elbert). In the aftermath of the crimes, the newly established Rwandan government began genocide trials, and by 2000, over 100,000 genocide suspects were awaiting court proceedings (United Nations Outreach Programme). Due to the enormous number of cases, the government began implementing gacaca courts, which were community-based proceedings intended to be a traditional alternative to national and international judicial systems. Nearly 30 years later, many convicted perpetrators have been released, with around 70,000 genocide suspects released by 2007 and most remaining to be released within the next few years due to their 20 to 30-year sentences being completed (Assimwe; Interpeace). The immediate needs of survivors of the genocide after the events and the current reintegration of ex-perpetrators into Rwandan society have led to considerable efforts to implement rehabilitation and recovery programs focused on providing trauma support for victims of the genocide (Interpeace).

METHODOLOGY

Although the trauma suffered by Rwandans who experienced the 1994 genocide is extensive and endured by various groups within the population, this essay will evaluate three specific factors of trauma experienced by survivors, perpetrators, and their children to identify existing gaps and needs within victim services. The subsequent research will examine trauma (a) as a general result of experiencing the 1994 Rwandan genocide, including a particular analysis of women victims, (b) trauma transmitted to second generations, and (c) retraumatization resulting from justice and reconciliation processes. Section II will utilize primary and secondary sources to review current victim services and trauma-informed practices promoting trauma healing, reconciliation, and stigma reduction. This final section will also outline recommendations for further victim service implementation to close remaining gaps in providing trauma recovery avenues for victims of genocide and second-generation children. 

TRAUMA RESULTING FROM THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE

Trauma caused by experiencing the genocide

The 100 days of the 1994 Rwandan genocide witnessed crimes of humanity, genocide, and war crimes conducted on a horrific scale (United Nations International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals). Every minute, an average of six men, women, and children were murdered throughout the three-month period (Survivors Fund, “Statistics”). Many crimes were perpetrated by people known to the victim, such as neighbors and friends (Dyregrov et al. 4). In addition to the 800,000 to one million killed, it is estimated that between 250,000 and 500,000 women were raped and subjected to sexual violence (Haffajee 201). Nearly 70% of women raped during the genocide were infected with HIV by the perpetrators (African Rights). As a result of the violence, thousands of children died, and up to 400,000 children were left unaccompanied (Human Rights Watch, “Children without parents”). One-third of child survivors witnessed the deaths of their relatives, and 80% lost family members (Survivors Fund, “Statistics”). The Rwandan National Trauma Survey showed that 96% of children witnessed violence, 69% witnessed death, and 30% witnessed rape (The Government of Rwanda 9). In addition, in a survey of over 3,000 children after the genocide, 90% of the children believed they would die during the events of the genocide, one-third believed they would not live to become adults, and 15% hid under dead bodies to survive (Dyregrov et al. 9).

In a study focused on trauma symptoms as a consequence of the genocide against the Tutsis, results show that nearly 80% of survivors fulfill the criteria for trauma-related disorders (Schaal et al. 96). Other studies have found that the extent of the trauma experienced during the genocide is positively correlated with the number of persisting post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms that the victims still experience (Caspar et al.). These findings are similarly confirmed by reports of victims who witnessed family members being attacked, experiencing higher rates of PTSD and distress symptoms by 2008 than individuals who had not witnessed such events (Ng et al.). Rugema et al. also found that individuals who witnessed or experienced traumatic events during the genocide were impacted nearly 17 years later, such as not marrying, not having children, and living in impoverished circumstances (Rugema et al.). Studies have shown that after experiencing the genocide, survivors had a reduced ability to resonate with the pain of others (Caspar et al.). Additional literature has shown that survivors feel that members outside their groups are dangerous. This results in them feeling diminished and vulnerable (Staub, “Reconciliation after genocide” 871). This is particularly relevant in Rwanda since perpetrators and survivors are forced to live in close proximity to each other, which may facilitate daily interaction between the survivors and perpetrators (JHA Editors and Noamschimmel).

The Rwandan genocide affected men and women differently concerning the atrocities experienced and the severity of trauma symptoms post-genocide. Men were more likely to be imprisoned, kidnapped, or killed, while women were exposed to more physical and sexual violence (Rugema). In addition, over 250,000 women were left widowed (Sharlach 98). Loss of an individual’s social support further increases the likelihood and prevalence of PTSD symptoms. Women were more likely to witness sexual or physical violence perpetrated against relatives and close friends, which has also been shown to increase PTSD symptoms (Platt 800). Women specifically reported experiencing a loss of dignity and respect, loss of identity, social isolation, and loss of hope for the future (Petersen-Coleman and Swaroop 9). Horrifyingly, it is believed that in some areas of Rwanda, all women were rape victims, and in Kigali, it is estimated that most women between the ages of 13 and 50 were victims of rape (Sharlach 98). Victims of rape have to deal with long-term consequences of the genocide, sometimes referred to as “second rape,” which relates to the stigmatization placed on rape victims and the consequences felt by the individual and their family relating to the belief that their honor has been tarnished in the eyes of society (Sharlach 90). Symptoms of post-rape trauma may include sexual apathy or promiscuity, substance abuse, depression, anger, loss of sense of womanhood, confusion about one’s identity, and destruction of a woman’s morale (Sharlach 91). Stigmatization leads to women becoming social outcasts within their communities, often due to society perceiving women as willing participants or complicit in the rape. The consequences of rape during the genocide, in addition to social stigmatization and post-trauma symptoms, include HIV infection and unwanted pregnancies (Sharlach 99).

Intergenerational trauma

It is estimated that 20,000 children were conceived from rape during the 1994 genocide (Torkgovnik). Although some women were able to accept and love their children conceived by rape, others felt it impossible to care for the child, resulting in the neglect and torture of hundreds of newborn children (Petersen-Coleman and Swaroop 10). In a meeting with the Survivors Fund in Rwanda, experts in the field shared that women with children conceived by rape often faced marital issues or found it challenging to marry or remarry (Meeting with Survivors Fund). The Rwandan Ministry additionally recounted that women often faced rejection from their families for raising children born from rape (Meeting with Ministry). Many mothers and children experienced poor relationships, including instances where mothers would lie about the child’s identity to hide the fact that they were raped during the genocide (Meeting with Survivors Fund). The stigma of rape was also passed down to children who were thought to be “illegitimate” and biologically associated with the “enemy.” Children were often referred to as “children of bad memories” and “children of hate” and became living reminders of the trauma suffered during the genocide. These children frequently experienced indirect and direct forms of violence, such as abandonment, abuse, and discrimination. Due to the association with the rape perpetrator, children were often rejected by the mother’s family, which led to a loss of identity and social exclusion. Children born of rape faced decreased opportunities in education, economic opportunity, lack of affection, and harassment (Denov et al.). Compared to children not born from rape, children born from rape showed higher levels of PTSD, anxiety, depression, physical function, pain intensity, and sleep disturbance (Uwizeye et al. 4-5). They also experienced shame, confusion, and anguish due to stigmatization and exclusion and often feared for their safety from community members  (Denov et al.). Children born from rape are also largely excluded from victim services because government funds are only available to genocide survivors born before 1994 (Meeting with Survivors Fund).

Even children not born from genocidal rape have a substantial likelihood of experiencing intergenerational trauma transmitted through social and biological pathways such as family mental health, sociopolitical trauma, cultural narratives, silence and disclosure of genocide experiences, and regular contact with a traumatized parent (Der Sarkissian and Sharkey 1; Jensen et al. 996). Genocide survivors who experienced higher levels of trauma exposure during the genocide showed higher levels of trauma transmission to their children (Der Sarkissian and Sharkey 2-5). Parents with PTSD are more likely to use ineffective parenting behaviors that negatively impact their children. In addition, PTSD symptoms affect a parent’s communication styles, coping strategies, and ability to attach and bond with their child (Mutuyimana et al.). It has also been observed that children of survivors and children of perpetrators show intergroup empathy bias transferred from the previous generation, showing further evidence of trauma transmission between generations after the genocide (Caspar et al. 837).

Retraumatization through justice & reconciliation methods

By 1998, nearly 130,000 suspected genocide perpetrators were imprisoned in facilities meant to hold 12,000 (Haskell). Although international and national courts had begun trying genocide cases in 1996, at the rate the trials were going, it would have taken more than a century to complete every trial. In effort to speed up justice and accountability for survivors and perpetrators of the genocide, the Rwandan government introduced gacaca trials as an alternative judicial system. Gacaca placed high value on the involvement of the entire community during judicial proceedings. Proceedings were run by local community judges and encouraged community participation. Until 2010, gacaca trials tried approximately 1.2 million cases (Haskell). The gacaca system was initiated to promote healing through truth-telling and facilitate reconciliation between perpetrators and survivors. It was believed that families could learn the truth about acts of violence committed against their relatives, reconcile their trauma, establish collective memory, and forgive the perpetrators (De Ycaza 24).

However, research regarding the psychological health impact of truth-telling processes like the gacaca proceedings has shown that participants of gacaca courts suffered higher levels of depression and PTSD. The constant trauma exposure most likely caused this increased prevalence of trauma symptoms during proceedings (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 425-246). More specifically, witnesses to the gacaca trials were put through a process of remembering, recounting, and hearing traumatizing information regarding the events of the genocide. The negative impacts of gacaca proceedings are further confirmed by instances of traumatic crises, suicide attempts, and uncontrollable threatening statements made during the trials (King 139). It was even reported that thirty-six witnesses during gacaca proceedings were killed because of their participation in the trials or as an attempt to prevent witnesses from testifying against perpetrators (Nikuze). The gacaca proceedings also facilitated the collective identification of a “chosen trauma,” where groups incorporate the memories and emotional meanings of the traumatic event into their identities. This reaffirms the “us” versus “them” dichotomy rather than true reconciliation and unification between survivors and perpetrators. The justice provided by gacaca also increased feelings of guilt in witnesses of the gacaca trials. This guilt stemmed from individuals who initially supported the government, those who were bystanders during the events, or even survivors who felt guilty for having survived. In many instances, these resulting feelings from gacaca trials did more harm when analyzing the actual healing ability of truth-telling processes (Buckley-Zistel 125-126).  

The retraumatization experienced during gacaca proceedings was further endured by female survivors who testified during the trials. For female witnesses, providing testimony led to severe psychological suffering and re-traumatization. The public setting of the gacaca sessions led to women feeling that their physical security could be threatened (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 71). Gacaca trials led directly to increases in threats, harassment, and murders of participating witnesses since all information was publicly accessible. For those who had lost their relatives and support systems due to the violence, feelings of vulnerability were especially prominent. Women who were victims of sexual violence or rape expressed feeling guilt, shame, humiliation, and ostracization from their community (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 72). Women were allowed to report rapes through public testimony, in writing, or privately in front of a video camera. Women who testified in person were required to publicly accuse their rapist in front of their community members. For those who chose to write their testimonies, privacy was still not maintained as these writings were read aloud during the gacaca proceedings. Many women were also unaware of their inability to testify privately by camera. However, even testifying privately required the victim to face the judge panel and the accused. This was done to provide the alleged rapist a chance to defend themself. If the woman could not testify in front of the suspected perpetrator, the only additional option she had was to end the proceedings, an option only provided in rape cases (Meeting with Alphonse Muleefu). Rape victims were also fearful of potential retaliation for their accusations against rape perpetrators and faced threats by community members if the suspect was imprisoned (Eftekhari).

ANALYSIS OF TRAUMA SERVICES IN RWANDA

Rwanda has been actively building victim services and programs for survivors, perpetrators, and second-generation children within the last 28 years since the 1994 genocide. Various psychosocial models have been trialed throughout the country, with many experts identifying community-based socio-therapy practices as the most efficient methods in trauma-informed and restorative justice processes (Dyregrov; Holaday and McPhearson; Ingabire et al.). Although some individuals may benefit from individualized clinical interventions for trauma symptoms, others feel that social support and education services improve their mental well-being (Ng et al. 95). Psychosocial support must extend outside clinical approaches based on traditional Western models, utilize local resources, and focus on healing collective trauma within communities (Petersen-Coleman 13-15). Collective approaches promote resilience, re-engagement, and restoration within communities and emphasize social and cultural contexts during recovery (Pearlman 112). It is also beneficial to build national capacity within trauma approaches by encouraging participation from community leaders and trainers (Dyregrov 4-5). Due to the substantial lack of mental health professionals in Rwanda, it is essential to maintain flexibility and adaptability when training mental health professionals. Instead of observing strict educational requirements placed on most mental health professionals worldwide, some organizations, such as Never Again Rwanda, have found strength in providing short-term training to community members to ensure communities across the country have individuals with basic training and trauma-healing tools (Meeting with Never Again Rwanda). 

Organizations and entities within Rwanda also utilize decentralized processes (“village to national”) to focus on building capacity and promoting sustainability of trauma approaches by identifying local community leaders as the first essential step in providing communities with trauma-informed practices. Understanding the dangers of retraumatization and clinical burnout within therapist populations, organizations such as Never Again Rwanda provide support to trained therapists to ensure these clinicians do not feel alone while providing services to their communities. Collective therapy approaches also allow citizens to participate in dialogue, allowing communities to identify issues and utilize community leaders to assist with their service needs (Meeting with Never Again Rwanda). Some programs, such as the Trauma Recovery Program, utilize cultural methods of expression such as storytelling, drama, drawing, writing, and dancing to promote child development, assist with trauma and grief, and improve children’s listening skills (Dyregrov 4).

Numerous organizations within and outside of Rwanda provide support for victims of the genocide. Programs and services extend multiple areas of need, such as psychosocial support, economic development, gender empowerment, and education assistance. Some organizations service specific vulnerable populations, such as the Association of Genocide Widows Agahozo (AVEGA), which provides support for genocide widows, assists with trauma processing, and has established programs focused on medical care, advocacy and justice, and socio-economic development. Several organizations also focus on gender equality, women’s empowerment, and gender-based violence prevention. One such organization is the Rwanda Men’s Resource Centre (RWAMREC), which addresses negative masculinity behaviors and gender inequalities to empower families and communities to change violent behaviors, promote positive family practices, and facilitate partnership and collaboration between men and women. Many women’s cooperatives nationwide, such as the Nyamirambo Women’s Center (NWC), aim to address gender inequality, gender-based violence, and discrimination. These centers provide vocational and educational training to empower women for better employment and financial stability (Nyamirambo Women’s Center). An additional organization that provides vital support to victims is the Survivors Fund (SURF), which assists in building the capacity of other survivor organizations and supports victim programs focused on areas of need such as healthcare, housing, education, and entrepreneurship (Survivors Fund, “Our Work”). One of the most critical sources of support for victims of genocide is the Genocide Survivors Support and Assistance Fund (FARG), a state-owned organization that provides education, health, shelter, social assistance, and income generation support. However, financial compensation and support are only eligible for genocide survivors born before 1994 (Nikwivuze).

Because government support is only available to individuals alive during the 1994 genocide and consequently labeled “survivors,” many community organizations recognize the need for services and programs for second-generation youth (Dyregrov 19). However, although some of these programs provide psychosocial support, many also focus on youth empowerment, the promotion of peace, and the facilitation of intergenerational reconciliation. SURF, in partnership with the National Student’s Association of Genocide Survivors (AERG) and the National Survivor’s Association of Graduate Students (GAERG), provides vulnerable youth, including second-generation youth, with mentorship on entrepreneurship, readiness, and vocational training, and access to financial and learning resources through the Youth Economic Empowerment Program (Survivors Fund, “Report”). Other organizations, such as Ajprodho-Jijukirwa, focus on engaging youth through human rights promotion, research, advocacy, and economic empowerment. Because of the increasing acknowledgment of trends and challenges caused by intergenerational trauma, with the support of USAID, they also promote peacebuilding by providing therapeutic healing, individual and group therapy, and trauma support (Meeting with Ajprodho-Jijukirwa). The Rwanda Peace Education Programme (RPEP), implemented by Aegis Trust and additional partners, promotes peace and reconciliation efforts by nurturing social cohesion, positive values, critical thinking, and empathy. Similar to the Trauma Recovery Program, RPEP utilizes storytelling and community education outreach activities. The RPEP program was recently implemented in the Rwandan school curriculum, now known as Peace and Values Education (PVE) (Basabose). In an effort to provide psychosocial support to families impacted by genocidal rape, raise awareness about the consequences of rape and sexual violence, and reduce stigmatization, Foundation Rwanda aims to support and empower victims of rape and second-generation youth born from rape (Foundation Rwanda). Lastly, although rare, some services are also provided to children of perpetrators, such as programs established by Prison Fellowship that assist with education support (Meeting with Prison Fellowship).

Psychosocial support was also offered during gacaca trials, although during a meeting with the National Public Prosecution Authority in 2023, the prosecutors acknowledged that the protection provided to witnesses who testified publicly was inadequate. Organizations such as Ibuka and Aegis Trust provided on-site counselors who could provide trauma assistance to individuals engaged in the gacaca process. In some instances where rape cases were reported, women with knowledge and understanding of the challenges of rape were placed on judge panels. However, as noted before, victims of rape were forced to testify in front of their accused, and confidentially measures were weak during the proceedings (Meeting with Alphonse Muleefu). Before gacaca courts were implemented, national leaders had expressed initial concerns about retraumatization and a potential rise of new violence. Researchers such as Staub  (“Justice, healing, and reconciliation” 27) were invited to develop programs aimed at reducing (1) the retraumatization of survivors, especially those who acted as witnesses, (2) the trauma of children exposed to vivid images and stories of violence, including testimonies of rape, and (3) renewed anger and hostility of Tutsis and Hutus who relived the horrible events through the testimonies given. It was concluded that the most efficient programs in reducing retraumatization included four components: education on the origins of the genocide, possibilities for prevention, acknowledgment of the psychosocial impact of victimization, trauma, and healing methods, and the facilitation of individual engagement with their traumatic experiences during the genocide (Staub, “Justice, healing, and reconciliation” 27-28). Programs like these provided sources of positive healing and reconciliation processes through truth-telling mechanisms such as gacaca.

Service gaps

Despite the vast number of services and programs provided by civil society and state government entities, significant gaps currently hinder the provision of adequate trauma-informed practices to victims of the 1994 genocide. Services must be extended outside the major urban areas, such as Kigali, as most of the resources provided are concentrated within these areas and largely absent from other parts of the country. Without the economic means to travel into these urban areas to receive services, many of the most affected victims of the genocide are left without trauma services (Nowotny 424).

Given that approximately 78% of Rwanda’s 13.5 million population is under the age of 35, it is also essential to ensure that support and assistance are provided for members of the society suffering from intergenerational trauma (Mbabazi and Gomera). Policy change within the Rwandan government is essential to recognize and support the experiences of second-generation survivors and children born of rape. Although not “survivors” in the sense of having experienced the genocide, these youth are still victims of the crimes perpetrated against their families and communities (Denov). By rethinking the label “survivor” and including trauma victims of subsequent generations, a greater number of individuals could be eligible to receive financial compensation through FARG (Hamel 31). It is essential that youth be included in the policy-making process so that they are able to contribute their experiences as second-generation survivors and express insight into the needs of others in similar situations (Denov). Moving away from the commonly used labels of “survivor” and “perpetrator” is also vital, as these significantly impact individual identity and national unity. For example, although no longer identified by ethnic groups such as Hutu and Tutsi, unity within the country is debatable when new labels have connotations of people being good (survivor) or bad (perpetrator). These labels are problematic because they make it easier for policies, initiatives, and grants to target specific populations that largely exclude other relevant actors. Discarding the labels of “survivor” or “perpetrator” also includes bringing awareness and acknowledgment to the trauma faced by perpetrators and their children. It is inequitable to deny the trauma and experiences faced by populations labeled as “perpetrators” and can lead to radicalization, anger, genocide denial, and potential acts of violence (Kuradusenge-McLeod). 

Regarding justice and reconciliation, it is also essential for Rwanda to commit to ensuring that all victims receive financial reparations for the crimes they have suffered. This is especially relevant for those victims of property crimes and women victims of rape and sexual violence. Although victims were promised reparations through national and gacaca courts, many have still not received what is owed to them (Nowotny 418). This has led to many Rwandans feeling disappointed in the judicial systems meant to protect and validate their experiences (Nowotny 402). Despite the government establishing funding through FARG to provide financial assistance to victims, critics argue that the financial compensation fails to go far enough (Mugiraneza). Instead, recommendations include establishing a separate reparations fund modeled after mechanisms such as the International Criminal Court’s Trust Fund for Victims and the African Union Trust Fund for Victims of Hissène Habré’s Crimes (Ngari). Sufficient financial compensation could help victims feel validated in their traumatic experiences, become more accepting and open to reconciliation processes, and assist victims and their families with financial burdens such as healthcare and psychosocial treatment costs (Eftekhari). 

Although gacaca proceedings have ended, Rwanda still utilizes a community-level mediation system called abunzi. These traditional dispute resolution systems are facilitated at cell and sector levels, which are more localized administrative entities in comparison to the centralized provinces of the country. These systems are led by community members elected as mediators and act as a prerequisite for parties to bring forth disputes and action before reaching the level of the national court system (Republic of Rwanda). It is required that criminal and civil cases (of value below three million Rwandan francs) be first presented for mediation by the abunzi system. Therefore, the lessons learned from gacaca courts must be applied and remedied in the existing abunzi proceedings. Victim protection, especially for individuals testifying as rape and sexual violence victims, should be highly prioritized during any community-based reconciliation process. This includes confidentiality measures such as ensuring that names are redacted from any documentation of the proceedings (Eftekhari). Although the government of Rwanda has implemented the Witness and Victims Assistance and Protection Program, which provides assistance to witnesses in judicial processes, these protections are only currently reserved for domestic courts and, therefore, are not guaranteed protections during abunzi proceedings (Nikuze). Participants of truth-telling processes, including community mediation systems, must be provided with the facts and challenges associated with their testimonies and be provided support before, during, and after the sessions. Psychosocial and victim support services are also crucial necessities during these processes (Brounèus, “The Trauma of Truth Telling” 430). Elected community members and leaders should be trained in psychosocial support and trauma-informed practices. These systems should also utilize collective approaches to healing, including traditional practices and rituals that consider the social and cultural context of those involved (King 146-147). Lastly, any truth-telling, justice, and reconciliation methods must implement processes with a gender lens to ensure that protections and needs for sexual violence and rape victims are addressed (Brounèus, “Truth-Telling as Talking Cure” 72).

CONCLUSION

The 1994 Rwandan genocide inflicted a substantial portion of the population with mental health disorders and trauma symptoms. With an estimated 26% of the population suffering from PTSD, it is imperative that Rwanda prioritize the recovery and rehabilitation of victims of the genocide, including second-generation survivors and children with perpetrator parents (Musanabaganwa). Women, in particular, suffered extensive trauma as victims of sexual violence and rape, witnessing relatives and other loved ones be killed or harmed, becoming widowed, being infected with sexually transmitted diseases, and mothering children conceived by rape. In addition to the trauma suffered by those who experienced the genocide either personally or through intergenerational transmission, justice, and reconciliation mechanisms have provoked retraumatization through truth-telling processes. Witnesses to gacaca proceedings often experienced trauma due to inefficient witness protection measures, and rape victims often suffered extreme stigmatization and ostracization by their communities. Although various organizations throughout Rwanda provide social support services such as psychosocial healing, education assistance, socio-economic empowerment, and vocational training, significant gaps remain and must be addressed to ensure all trauma victims within Rwanda feel supported as they heal from the genocide. 

Victim services need to extend to areas across the country to ensure that all victims of genocide are supported through their trauma recovery processes. Additionally, intergenerational trauma requires further support and acknowledgment through policy and funding capacities at both state and organizational levels. Reconciliation and justice methods must also ensure that victims receive full reparations to assist with the financial burdens of genocide. Furthermore, it is essential that existing mediation methods, such as abunzi, learn from the lessons of gacaca proceedings and provide victims and witnesses with safeguard measures to ensure their safety and privacy are maintained and prioritized. Overall, victim services in Rwanda should continue utilizing community-based collective approaches that acknowledge social and cultural contexts and utilize traditional rituals and practices. By prioritizing trauma services and post-genocide recovery, Rwanda will strengthen its reconciliation and community healing efforts by acknowledging the value of its most vulnerable population’s mental well-being.

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Karina Casarez is a second-year master’s student at NYU’s Center for Global Affairs pursuing a degree in Global Affairs with a concentration in International Law & Human Rights and a specialization in the United Nations. She is also a Coverdell Fellow and Social Sector Leadership Diversity (SSLD) Fellow. In addition to her studies, she serves as President of The International Human Rights & Law League (THRILL) and the Managing Editor of the Global Affairs Review (GAR).  Her research interests include exploring international justice for human rights atrocities, particularly genocide and crimes against humanity, particularly in Myanmar. She recently concluded an internship with Justice Rapid Response (JRR), serves as Treasurer for the New York City Peace Corps Association (NYCPCA), and is a United Nations Representative for the National Peace Corps Association (NPCA). Before attending NYU, Karina served as a Peace Corps Volunteer in Myanmar. 


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Filed Under: International Law and Human Rights, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Uncategorized

Violent Extremists in the Metaverse

January 4, 2024 by krc8929 Leave a Comment

by Joseph Levin

(Photo credit: XR Expo on Unsplash)

Abstract

Since the dawn of the 21st century, numerous disruptive technologies have been brought to market that have transformed the fabric of how individuals interact with one another and their surrounding environments. However, the technological advances that stand out above the rest, specifically virtual and augmented reality, have been in developmental phases for the past decade and appear to be on the cusp of mainstream distribution. These technologies are a pivotal access point into what is now known as the metaverse. The metaverse resembles an immersive, creator-friendly online environment in which the lines between social media and online gaming are blurred like never before. Although this technology has yet to be delivered and accepted within mass consumer markets, addressing the potential consequences that may accompany it when that day comes is essential. The implications of this research indicates that the metaverse is far more complex than our current systems are built to regulate and the consequences could be devastating. Therefore, it is imperative to create proactive research efforts, legislation, and mitigation strategies to counter future threats posed by violent extremists in the metaverse.

Introduction

Over the past two decades, there has been an expeditious proliferation in technological evolution as personal computers, cell phones, and other handheld devices have become commonplace in everyday life. However, as technology companies continue to innovate and broaden the horizons of their capabilities, there is a pending fourth wave of computing innovation unfolding around spatial technologies called virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR). The companies developing this technology believe it will form the next ubiquitous computing paradigm that can transform personal entertainment, business, and educational opportunities. This new paradigm is called the metaverse, which will create a post-reality universe, a perpetual and persistent multiuser environment merging physical reality with digital virtuality (Mystakidis, 2022). The metaverse will be based on technologies that enable multisensory interactions with virtual environments, digital objects, and other users. The accuracy of the AR and VR systems are enabled by displays that create or enhance imagery to convey the perception of depth (El Beheiry, 2019). In addition to sensory inputs, these systems also allow active interaction with virtual elements through motion controllers. These are handheld input devices with a grip, buttons, triggers, and thumbsticks. By simply using the controllers, users can touch, grab, manipulate, and operate objects within an ever-changing virtual world (Mystakidis, 2022).

The current landscape of VR and AR remains primarily developmental as the technology still suffers from severe limitations in mass market delivery. For example, higher-end devices require prohibitively expensive hardware, while cheaper headsets do not deliver a realistic, stimulating enough virtual experience. Additionally, there are problems with software interoperability as a considerable number of companies are trying to be first to market with this technology. Currently, there is no wide-scale adoption of standardized technical specifications for the metaverse, given that each project relies on proprietary technology. The unwillingness to share proprietary technologies, based on privacy and transparency considerations, is a hindrance to broader development. It is likely that something more significant than corporate profit will have to drive the harmonization of standards (Chohan, 2022). With this information in mind, limited analysis has been provided on the potential consequences of this technology being widely distributed. This is particularly concerning given the rampant extremist exploitation of social media, online gaming, and other emerging technologies already. Therefore, this article will seek to answer the following question, “How can the metaverse be exploited by violent extremists and violent extremist organizations?” I contend that metaverse technology will eventually be utilized by violent extremists and violent extremist organizations for various activities that include, but are not limited to: online radicalization and heightened recruitment efforts, fundraising and cybercrime activities, pre-attack planning, and simulating attacks.

Violent Extremists in the Metaverse

Online Radicalization and Recruitment

As the world has become increasingly globalized through interconnected electronic networks, violent extremist groups have sought to captivate a broader range of audiences and promote their ideologies through various mediums, arguably none more so than online media platforms. A statement from Ayman al-Zawahiri, the former chief ideologue of al-Qaeda and deputy to Osama bin Laden, explained, “We [al-Qaeda] are in a battle, and more than half of this battle is taking place in the battlefield of the media. And that we are in a media battle in a race for the hearts and minds of our people.” Evidently, prominent violent extremist groups recognize the opportunities provided by emerging technologies, especially those that enable two-way interactivity through online forums, chat rooms, emails, and texts to promote online radicalization. Furthermore, violent extremists can utilize online media platforms to connect directly with various audiences, who in turn, can become active participants in subsequent unfolding conversations. Direct connection is crucial for online radicalization because it promotes a sense of virtual community, which is often not possible with traditional broadcast media like radio and television (Aly et al., 2016). This becomes problematic as metaverse technology will likely amplify many previously established consequences of social media and online gaming while dramatically accelerating the operational capabilities of message sharing and recruitment.

Although online radicalization comes in many forms and individuals respond differently, certain commonalities appear alongside most violent extremist supporters. Online radicalization to violence is the process of introducing an individual to an ideological message and belief system that encourages movement from mainstream beliefs toward extreme views. A result of radical interpretations of mainstream religious or political doctrines, these extreme views tend to justify, promote, incite, or support violence to achieve any number of social, religious, or political changes (US DOJ, 2014). Through the utilization of metaverse creative capabilities, users will be able to shape their interactive virtual realities in any manner they see fit. Although the current metaverse technology has historically lacked visual sophistication, companies developing their own versions of the space are exploring a plethora of virtual engineering possibilities to make the user experience more realistic. For example, precisely designed three-dimensional elements together with animated graphics are already revolutionizing user technology interactivity through top-quality audio-visual and tactile interaction (Fiorillo, 2022). Much like other online activities, for violent extremist groups, this will create the ideal incubating environment where they can broadcast their views, provoke negative sentiment toward enemies, incite people to violence, glorify martyrs, establish virtual communities with like-minded individuals, and groom recruits (US DOJ, 2014).

A supplemental concept to understand within the overarching idea of the incubating environment provided by metaverse technology is the daunting potential of user manipulation within this space. Over the last two decades, technology companies have made a science of tracking and characterizing users on their platforms, as it enables the sale of targeted advertising. Such targeting has been a boon for advertisers and media platform providers, resulting in some of the most valuable corporations in human history. Unfortunately, such targeting has exploited users, reduced personal privacy, and made social media a polarizing force by allowing third-parties to deploy customized messaging tactfully curated for specific demographic groups. In the metaverse, these problems will be exacerbated. The technological capabilities will enable server owners to track where each user clicks, where they go, what they do, what they look at, and even how long their gaze lingers (Rosenberg, 2022). That is, assessing when users slow down to browse objects, messages, imagery, services, or when they speed up to pass content they are not demonstrating interest in.

For reference, Meta has already been granted patents to track users’ eye movements and body poses for ads in their Horizon Worlds metaverse platform. Given the track record of many major technology companies, it can be expected that more invasive data collection could include tracking vital signs, facial expressions, and user communication patterns (Xiang, 2022). This means the server providers controlling the metaverse will not just know how their users physically act and interact, but how they emotionally react as they traverse real and virtual spaces, profiling their responses at far deeper levels than has been possible in traditional media platforms (Rosenberg, 2022). Under these conditions, violent extremist groups and individuals have the opportunity to monitor their servers, examine how users interact with their content and adjust accordingly to further indoctrinate and radicalize them. Their ability to manipulate individuals operating within their sphere of influence will likely be more efficient than ever before.

A second concern with the expanded freedoms allotted by the metaverse is the lack of plausible methods to regulate how much time users spend on metaverse servers. Unlike phones, computers, and other forms of handheld technology, the metaverse can be accessed from multiple entry points (Ochs, 2021). This will prevent screen time moderation efforts and likely adversely affect users subjected to extremist content with unregulated exposure. In most cases, online radicalization results from individuals being immersed in extremist content for extended periods, the amplified effects of graphic images and video, and the resulting emotional desensitization (Neumann et al., 2012). For example, constant exposure to discourses about martyrdom and death—combined with videos of suicide operations and beheadings—can produce mortality salience, an overpowering sense of one’s mortality, which increases support for suicide operations and other, often ruthless, violent tactics. Similarly, powerful and emotionally stimulating videos from conflict zones—for example, those depicting alleged incidents of torture, rape, and other atrocities by Western troops—can induce a sense of moral outrage (Neumann et al., 2012). Given that there are already first-person shooter and gruesome bespoke games within the metaverse, it is a matter of time before violent extremists capitalize on the developed software to create scenarios that spur online radicalization.

Concerning sustained user activity within the metaverse, lessons can be drawn from other multiplayer online video games and social media platforms regarding the incentives provided to those who are more active and create large swaths of content. Essentially, content that is created by users in online games such as Roblox and Sandbox is what makes them profitable. In all its forms, the metaverse will likely follow the same general business model. Since it is a multi-usage social platform seeking to draw in support and funds from advertisers, the companies running metaverse servers will benefit from creators that produce high-quality content and encourage prolonged user activity (Babich, 2022). Since many of these companies are currently in the battle for first-to-market, widespread distribution of metaverse access and supporting technology, they are less incentivized to regulate extremist content on their platforms while pursuing maximum user engagement. This trend has been evident across major platforms such as Facebook, Minecraft, Roblox, and Twitter (Patel & Hecht-Felella, 2021)(Miller & Silva, 2021).

Within the metaverse, it can be reasonably expected that companies and creators will employ three common tactics to increase persistent user engagement. First, there will likely be some fashion of play-to-earn mechanics, which make games more addictive by rewarding users who spend more time in the system with extensive benefits. Second, the reward for content contribution will also be prevalent. Companies will compensate content creators for drawing in more user engagement. Finally, companies and creators will implement rewards for completing objectives within metaverse games, allowing users to perform virtual tasks in exchange for digital coins or goods. This works exceptionally well when the tasks are tied to a gripping storyline that hooks an audience, giving creators significant benefits (Babich, 2022). If violent extremists are to capitalize on consumer psychology and companies lack of content surveillance in order to drive online radicalization, the consequences will be damning.

Another recruitment concern is the way violent extremists will use the metaverse to exploit financial and social vulnerabilities that drive individuals to join violent extremist movements in the first place. For example, individuals who have been radicalized and drawn into violent extremism through pull factors, including financial incentives, online propaganda, and in-person recruitment networks (Smith, 2018). As mentioned above, companies constructing the metaverse will seek to monetize and provide various currency transfer services within their platforms. This will enable violent extremist groups to send cryptocurrency and other decentralized financial goods to potential recruits with limited oversight (Sarang, 2022). Additionally, in order to lure in potential new members, metaverse server access links will likely be shared within alternative platforms, such as Discord, Telegram, 4chan, Parler, and WhatsApp, to drive new user engagement. During traditional online recruitment, violent extremist groups commonly follow this process: discovery of new potential members, isolate them and create micro-communities, shift them to private communication spaces, and ultimately radicalize and encourage them into violent action (Berger, 2015). With the advent of the metaverse, however, instead of violent extremists off-ramping recruits into private chat rooms or encrypted text messaging apps, they can now create idealized virtual utopias according to their ideologies and negative stereotypes. Although each private metaverse server has different levels of accessibility, the current environment commonly requires an entry link, user login, and passcode to participate, all of which can be provided by violent extremists to gatekeep which individuals gain access to their servers (Hickey, 2022). Thus, the metaverse will enable violent extremists to build more private virtual worlds they are ultimately seeking to create offline.

The final primary concern of metaverse technology pertaining to online radicalization and recruitment is the development of violent extremist echo chambers. Historically through social media and online gaming, deviant and extreme behaviors are learned, absorbed, and normalized by users’ constant interactions with people who hold similarly extreme views. As a result, through repeated stimuli and the removal of moderating influences, users can acquire a skewed sense of reality, so that violent extremist attitudes and behaviors are no longer taboos, but rather are seen as positive and desirable. Another crucial aspect of the echo chamber phenomenon relates to violent extremists abusing anonymity to hide their real identities and avoid responsibility for their actions due to the added layer of anonymity (Neumann et al., 2012). Once users no longer believe they will face real-world consequences for their polarizing views and promotion of violence online, it may increase the likelihood of aggressive behaviors occurring offline.

As mentioned previously, extremists exploit the anonymity of online platforms to create niche communities in which their ideologies can thrive with limited interruption. Under these circumstances, there is severe cause for concern about how metaverse technology will further assist them. First and foremost, one of the most frequent concepts championed by proponents of the metaverse is that it will allow users to create worlds and avatars in more idealized ways (VMG, 2022). Moreover, many metaverse servers will incorporate artificial intelligence into their platform’s interface. Although the intention is to help increase the inclusivity and accessibility of the metaverse, making it more functional and user-friendly, artificial intelligence within the metaverse will provide an unrivaled experience for bad actors such as violent extremists (Amos, 2022). Not only will violent extremists be able to use artificial intelligence to help develop idealized avatars, but it will also help them create their own virtual worlds. During one of Meta’s first promotional events for Horizon Worlds, one of their versions of the metaverse, Mark Zuckerberg released a video highlighting its potential capabilities where users will be granted “god-like powers” to create their own worlds. This will be done with the help of an artificial intelligence assistant, Builder Bot, which will help users construct their worlds to specific requirements or modify pre-made templates. In the clip, Zuckerberg gave Builder Bot a series of verbal commands, to which the artificial intelligence assistant created the world to his exact specifications in seconds. Zuckerberg also noted that should the user be unsatisfied with the results Builder Bot produces, they will be able to modify the structures and add further details (Zuckerberg, 2021). Even if the companies that are building out the metaverse blacklist certain images, individuals, and locations from being artificially created, users will still have the ability to circumvent these moderation parameters with their own creation capabilities. In sum, the emerging metaverse affords violent extremists and violent extremist groups a new ability to maintain virtual ideological and social communities with robust, difficult-to-disrupt ways of expanding their ranks and spheres of influence (Elson et al., 2022). By allowing violent extremist groups to create their servers within the metaverse, interested users that join their virtual worlds will quickly become potential recruits from which these violent extremists can identify and target.

Fundraising and Cybercrime

The nexus between fundraising, cybercrime, and violent extremists has proven to be a fruitful money-making opportunity for groups and individuals in the past. Within the last three decades, online-based fundraising and criminal activities have increased significantly (UNODC, 2019). In general, the Internet has provided violent extremists with a practical and low-risk means to generate the resources required to sustain or expand their activities. These efforts may supplement, rather than replace, traditional fundraising channels based in the physical world. Still, they are appealing because they provide global reach and afford a degree of anonymity and security to donors and recipients alike. For example, websites, social media platforms, email distribution lists, messaging apps, and other virtual tools enable groups to publicize their needs directly to potential donors, with the option of traditional and online payment options, as well as to advertise merchandise for sale, as they might have done historically using print advertisements and paper flyers. A relatively simple and standard method for a violent extremist organization to solicit funds is by posting requests for donations on their respective websites or on forums where supporters already congregate. Violent extremist groups have also harnessed crowdfunding websites and donation applications embedded in social media platforms, such as Facebook, to expand their reach and elevate their causes (Evans & Williams, 2022).

The metaverse will provide another platform for violent extremists to fundraise. Whether that occurs within their own public-facing or micro-community private servers, violent extremists and violent extremist groups will develop methods to receive donations both through mobile payment services such as Venmo, Zelle, Cash App and PayPal, or through less conventional methods such as cryptocurrencies, and in-platform digital assets, coins, vouchers, or merchandise. This will be challenging for potential tracing purposes as links to these donations can be posted on in-game content, spread within message boards, or through voice chat, all of which can occur instantaneously (Dino, 2019). Similarly to the obstacles faced with content moderation in online gaming, there will likely be data too large for these companies’ trust and safety divisions to protect users or trace all their in-game transactions.

Furthermore, the metaverse may provide new opportunities for violent extremist groups to sell insignia and physical merchandise affiliated with their group more discreetly compared to online forums and within Internet marketplaces. Previously, violent extremists have used online retail platforms and payment processing architecture to generate funds through merchandise sales conducted directly on their websites or through intermediaries like eBay, Amazon, and Etsy. Violent extremists have also profited from self-publishing services like Amazon’s CreateSpace and music-streaming services, such as Soundcloud, Spotify, or iTunes, which serve the dual purpose of fundraising and disseminating their radical ideas (Dino, 2019). However, the underlying problem with the metaverse is that bad actors will be able to make this content interactive, enabling them to bypass certain takedown practices used by technology companies to suppress their spread. For example, most mainstream websites now utilize various forms of optical-character recognition and other visual-based approaches to censor content deemed violations of community guidelines (Panich-Linsman, 2018). In addition, governments also have the ability to carry out actions such as DNS tampering, IP blocking, keyword and packet filtering, and traffic shaping to deter access to extremist websites and other illegal online-based content (Terman, 2021).

The unfortunate nature of the metaverse is that it will resemble an online gaming platform more comparable to Roblox and Minecraft, as opposed to traditional social media. The result is that technology companies and government agencies will need to develop new machine-learning detection devices that can rapidly scan interactive three-dimensional content at incredible volume. Moreover, should these moderating entities be able to create tools to detect three-dimensional extremist imagery or key terminology within their servers, another added obstacle will be preventing them from creating a new server should they have it taken down or their profile banned. The key takeaway is that choke points previously capitalized upon by moderators to prevent bad actors from sharing their content will no longer prove sufficient within the metaverse. Should the crusade continue down the current path of automated content removal, takedowns, filtering, or removing servers altogether, it can be expected that an ever-adapting challenger will emerge and a cat-and-mouse game will ensue (Liang & Cross, 2020). This also does not consider the potential pushback from mass-auto-blocking violent extremists, especially in certain democratic countries such as the United States, where arguments about free speech are debated frequently.

Another component of violent extremist fundraising and metaverse technology is the ample opportunities for these groups and individuals to create new revenue streams through cybercrime activities. From a historical perspective, transnational organized crime and cybercrime have posed a significant threat to national and international security. Not only are criminal networks expanding, but they also are diversifying their activities (US National Archives, 2011). In the past, online criminal groups engaged in services that facilitated crimes and cybercrimes for financial reward, acts such as stealing data and identity documents; ransom and malware attacks; distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks and botnet services; keyloggers; phishing and spear phishing tools; hacking tutorials; and distributing instructions about vulnerabilities and possible exploits on how to take utilize these tools (UNODC, 2019). This is an incredibly lucrative industry, and it is estimated that cybercrime will cost the world economy $10.5 trillion annually by 2025, up from $3 trillion in 2015 (Morgan, 2020). However, in a 2022 report issued by Interpol, officials stated that they believe the metaverse creates new kinds of cybercrime and will exacerbate existing crime to take place on a larger scale (Kartit & Howcroft, 2022).

Regarding the technical cybersecurity vulnerabilities of the metaverse, a particular concern should be potential breaches of common entry points for users such as computers, phones, tablets, and headsets. For example, the creator of the Butterfly Bot advertised malware on the Internet that was capable of taking control of Windows and Linux computers. The creator of the Butterfly Bot also sold plug-ins that modified the functions of the malware and offered to create customized versions of the malware for paying customers. Various online criminal networks deployed the Butterfly Bot; the most extensive application of this malware resulted in the Mariposa botnet, which stole personal data from millions of compromised computers. This personal data included account information, usernames, passwords, and banking details. Additional malware downloaded by Mariposa also resulted in numerous distributed denial of service attacks (UNODC, 2019). The threat posed by hackers seeking to exploit vulnerable users and breach the systems that are required entry points to the metaverse cannot be understated.

Furthermore, a phenomenon known as Camfecting, the attempt to hack into a person’s webcam and activate it without the webcam owner’s permission, is another point of concern. Through disguised malware known as Trojans, hackers will pose as some legitimate institution or individual and provide users with a link, documents, or a program to download to their computer. Once this malware has been installed, cameras can be activated and files can be monitored without user knowledge. Moreover, this practice has become increasingly more accessible, whereas at one period, hackers needed specialist computer programming knowledge in order to write the malware. Currently, Trojans and all the tools required to launch such attacks can be bought and sold on the Internet and Dark Web. These infections commonly lead to extortion attempts and the unsolicited sale of private user data (Duong, 2021). With the potential for unfettered access to individuals’ personal surroundings and private data made available by augmented reality and virtual reality technology, violent extremists could gain unparalleled levels of extortion and financial proceeds through infected gateways.

The final possibility within the metaverse that violent extremists will almost certainly exploit are the money laundering opportunities. Traditional money laundering involves three stages: placement of illicit proceeds in the financial system (placement), concealment of the origin of illicit funds (layering), and reintroduction of funds into the economy with concealed origin (integration). Through online mediums, this money can be laundered utilizing digital currency (unregulated currency only available virtually); prepaid credit and debit cards (even Bitcoin- based cards); gift cards; money mules’ bank accounts; fake name and shell company bank accounts; PayPal and Zelle accounts; online gaming sites (via virtual gaming currency); and illicit gambling sites. Cybercriminals also utilize semi-automated cryptocurrency exchanges (known as swappers) and decentralized (peer-to-peer) exchanges, which do not require the identification and verification of users to launder criminal assets (UNODC, 2019).

How will these traditional practices translate in the metaverse? The anonymity that the metaverse affords users, specifically violent extremists in this study, will allow individuals to create servers with gambling, trading, and other money transfering opportunities that would otherwise not be possible within social media or online gaming. For example, metaverse casinos generally do not accept traditional fiat currency. A metaverse casino requires a participant to convert their fiat into one of the cryptocurrencies accepted in the metaverse and deposit funds using a crypto wallet. However, users can then exchange the NFTs and cryptocurrency that they win in the metaverse for fiat currency in the real world (Baker & Hogan, 2022). With this in mind, there is a chance that violent extremists could create gambling institutions within the metaverse that do not contain any identifying information that unsuspecting users may get lured into and provide currency to fund illicit behaviors unbeknownst to them. Ultimately, this section’s key takeaway is that the metaverse will simplify fundraising and cybercrime for violent extremists and provide added layers of anonymity to prevent detection from law enforcement and financial institutions.

Pre-Attack Planning

The third aspect violent extremists may utilize the metaverse for is expanding their pre-attack planning capabilities. Under our traditional understanding of pre-attack activities, individuals planning to commit acts of violent extremism develop a variety of different behaviors to plan their attacks. In a report published by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence’s Joint Counterterrorism Assessment Team, their researchers identified a recurrent attack planning cycle. According to the report, violent extremists generally plan attacks in observable stages, although specific details, sequencing, and timing can vary greatly and change over time. In addition, they noted that certain activities are easier to spot than others. Pre-attack surveillance, training, and rehearsals are often observable and can offer opportunities to identify plots and prevent attacks (ODNI, 2020). However, one major concern with the metaverse is that it may remove the need for violent extremists to conduct the majority of their pre-attack intelligence gathering in person. For example, should violent extremists become able to combine metaverse technology with other modern technologies such as CCTV, personal cameras, social media posts, and other livestream capabilities, they may never have to go in public to collect the intelligence they need to carry out attacks on specific targets or locations.

Another area of concern regarding violent extremist groups’ pre-attack planning is their ability to use roleplay metaverse games and training tools already available for law enforcement and armed forces to counter potential issues during their attacks. The usage of virtual reality training tools within militaries is not a new phenomenon. After the Vietnam War, the American military apparatus developed various training environments to reduce what the military considered an unacceptable ratio of combat losses (Lange, 2020). In the decades since then, militaries and law enforcement have adapted to an ever-changing threat landscape by advancing and innovating these technologies for their own benefit.

An example of the tools that are already available and could be modified for illicit purposes is AUGGMED (Automated Serious Game Scenario Generator for Mixed Reality Training). The aim of AUGGMED was to develop a serious game platform to enable single- and team-based training of end-users with different levels of expertise from different organizations responding to terrorist and organized crime threats. The platform automatically generates non-linear scenarios tailored to suit the needs of individual trainees with learning outcomes that improve the acquisition of emotional management, analytical thinking, problem solving and decision making skills. The game scenarios include advanced simulations of operational environments, agents, telecommunications and threats, and can be delivered through VR and MR environments with multimodal interfaces. In addition, the AUGGMED platform will include tools for trainers enabling them to set learning objectives, define scenarios, monitor training sessions, modify scenarios and provide feedback in real-time, as well as evaluate trainee performance and set training curricula for individual personnel in the post-training session phase (European Commission, 2022). This technology was deployed in March 2018 when security officers with the Piraeus Port Authority in Greece used AUGGMED to train for potential terrorist-related threats and attacks. On-site trainees in Piraeus worked with other agents remotely who were experiencing and responding to the same scenario through the online platform (Saunders et al., 2018). This platform has gained popularity and has been operated by at least 14 organizations and agencies throughout Europe representing law enforcement, first responders, academia and the public sector (Saunders et al., 2019).

During the COVID-19 Pandemic, the usage of virtual and augmented reality became more attractive for law enforcement and armed forces due to the sweeping international public health precautions. For example, in March 2022, the International Security Alliance used the metaverse to stage a three-day security simulation with over 50 participants from nine countries including Israel, Senegal, France and the UAE. By operating in roleplay scenarios within the metaverse, the participants faced situations such as drone crashes, ransomware, and distributed denial of service attacks, all within the virtual city of Brinia. The organizers of the event noted that these exercises allow for online simulations of environments usually too populated for real-world training, such as airports. Organizers could also consistently monitor participants and build a stronger understanding of optimal joint-working processes. Plus, once these virtual scenarios were created and ran without any technical issues, the cost of replicating and sharing the software with other agencies is minimal. This enables reusability and iteration at low cost (Herath & Jarnecki, 2022).

Although these examples highlight how law enforcement can utilize the metaverse for increased collaboration, they also pose a rather serious problem. Similarly to current forms of cyberattacks, should violent extremists gain access to these servers during live simulations or access notes taken by observers, they will be able to monitor and plan around law enforcement emergency response. It is also worth noting that there are growing concerns over extremist network efforts to tailor recruitment toward military personnel and an increase in criminal cases involving extremism within the ranks (Doxsee & Macander, 2022). These extremists either join the service in order to gain combat and logistical training, or are recruited once their service ends by radical groups preying on the combination of trauma, loss of purpose and community that often affects veterans (Ware, 2023). In sum, access to former law enforcement, armed forces personnel, and their response protocol information would elevate the success of violent extremist pre-attack planning in the metaverse and their operational capabilities.

The final area of concern when it comes to violent extremists using the metaverse for pre-attack planning can already be demonstrated by online games such as Minecraft, Roblox, and Sandbox. Based on publicly available plans and layouts, online information and imagery, and other mapping technologies, users have been able to create a plethora of virtual recreations of real-life infrastructure within these platforms. As a result, violent extremists will likely have the ability to gather intelligence simply by creating, downloading, or interacting with these virtual recreations to record notes and identify any points of vulnerability in which they could exploit during an attack. This will be especially worrisome for government buildings, critical energy infrastructure, public venues, university campuses, sports stadiums, and any other locations that may become potential targets for violent extremism.

Attack Simulation

The final activity that is alarming and requires immediate attention is the enhanced ability for violent extremists to simulate attacks. As mentioned above, the military has harnessed the powers of virtual and augmented reality simulation for decades. Although the technological affordances of high-quality metaverse graphics are still in development, software companies are trying to create programs that are considered so realistic they will suspend one’s disbelief that it’s a simulation and trick their minds into thinking they are physically somewhere else. This will translate to software programs that will allow users to manipulate the complexities of life such as varying amounts of civilians, differing infrastructure and traffic patterns, altering terrain, and various weather conditions. An example of how this has already manifested within the American armed forces is the Synthetic Training Environment (STE), which was developed by the software company Bohemia Interactive Simulations, that creates high-fidelity simulations for soldiers to train anywhere in the world. This version of the metaverse is called One World Terrain and the software combines three-dimensional data collected from satellites, sensors or scanners and combines it with additional information to render high-fidelity terrain simulations. Furthermore, STE’s digital world can be manipulated by artificial intelligence and machine learning to achieve specific training exercises and results (Easley, 2022).

As the technology has been democratized over recent years, it has helped companies such as Improbable overcome barriers to slow processing speeds and other limitations to a more realistic experience. Moreover, they are trying to improve the computing and networking capabilities armed forces would need to connect multiple users into a single metaverse training environment to the scale of multi-domain operations, which require vast virtual elements to render and then react naturally. However, at the end of 2022, developers at Improbable successfully held a stress test of their technology that was able to produce 20,000 artificially created bots that users within a simulation could interact with (Easley, 2022). Although this technology is being primarily produced for armed forces and law enforcement agencies, it is likely that companies building out these technologies will expand production and distribution to private sector consumers as well (Mcardle & Dohrman, 2022). Should violent extremists be able to gain access to these software programs, there is an infinite amount of plausible scenarios in which they manipulate the algorithms to the exact specifications of an upcoming attack and simulate their activities under hefty layers of anonymity.

The second key component of attack simulation within the metaverse that poses a heightened threat to public safety is their ability to practice with virtual weaponry and explosives. In the past, a trend developed where violent extremists moved to the Dark Web and used it to procure weapons, explosives, and other illegal items (Weise, 2017). The Dark Web, otherwise known as the Tor Network, is a collection of hidden sites inaccessible via a regular Internet browser and not indexed by search engines such as Google. In 2019, over 65,000 unique URLs existed on the Tor Network. Further, in a 2018 study by computer security firm Hyperion Gray, they cataloged about 10 percent of these sites and found that the most prevalent functions facilitated communication via forums, chat rooms, and file and image hosts, as well as commerce via marketplaces. Some of the more prevalent illicit activities included arms trafficking, drug dealing, and the sharing of exploitative content—often involving children—such as pornography and images of violence and other types of abuse. The pairing of Dark Web services with cryptocurrencies has led to expectations of an outbreak in crime related activities (Kumar & Rosenbach, 2019). However, there is now an emerging alternative option where users would have access to similar levels of anonymity, only now it will be far more immersive than the Tor Network. Within metaverse servers, organized crime such as arms trafficking could take place with relative ease under the current lack of technological understanding, regulation, or oversight (INTERPOL, 2022). As it pertains to firearms testing and purchasing specifically, there are companies that have already built firearm-emulating controllers that pair with virtual reality headsets that are shockingly realistic. With this technology, metaverse users and violent extremists alike will be able to simulate the usage of any number of different firearms, test its efficiency in a number of simulated situations, and arrive at a decision in which one they prefer to use in real life.

On the other hand, violent extremists would have access to purchasing firearms and explosives, while also learning how to make and operate them with technology that is already available for consumer purchase. In a hypothetical scenario, violent extremists could enter a metaverse server where they could purchase the instructions for building an improvised explosive device (IED) or 3-D printed weapon, as well as learn how to deploy them in a simulated attack from the user they are purchasing from. The critical difference between the Internet, Dark Web, and the metaverse is that within both the Internet and Dark Web, individuals using these platforms are currently more susceptible to detection from various law enforcement agencies monitoring these spaces (Goodison et al., 2020)(Dilanian, 2021).

The final activity and a critically important area of concern is how the Metaverse will enable violent extremists to rehearse their attacks. Once they have completed their pre-attack planning, gathered all the materials needed, the next step in the attack planning cycle is rehearsal. Violent extremists often rehearse the attack scenario to confirm planning assumptions, enhance tactics, and practice escape routes. They may also trigger an incident at the target site to test the reaction of security personnel and first responders. While assessing the efficacy of their plans prior to the attack, violent extremists also seek to determine the conditions which favor the highest rate of success and lowest risk. Factors they commonly consider include the element of surprise, choice of time and place, use of diversionary tactics, and ways to impede response measures. Unless the violent extremist is planning a suicide attack, escape routes and contingency plans are also carefully planned (ODNI, 2020). Until recently these activities were most frequently carried out in person. However, with the addition of metaverse technology, violent extremists could have unparalleled rehearsal opportunities (Elson et al., 2022). For example, violent extremists can simulate a variety of potential disruptions or variable changes and establish methods of best practice to still achieve their key objectives. This will enable violent extremists to replicate law enforcement and civilian responses, learn viable and efficient paths, coordinate alternative routes if some become blocked, and establish multiple contingency plans should disruptions occur.

Conclusion

The democratization of technology has proven to be a cornerstone of human life and societal development. However, with it has come numerous challenges, but none so great as the impending metaverse. In this article, the author sought to answer the following question, “How can the metaverse be exploited by violent extremists and violent extremist organizations?”

After a thorough analysis, the author identified the following conclusions: First, the metaverse will provide extremists with a unique environment to recruit new members as they can create their own private servers, reach a wider audience, and simulate in-person recruitment networks. These servers will be onerous to moderate, and the current regulatory guidelines and technological mechanisms do not sufficiently prevent the production of nefarious content and behaviors. As a result, the metaverse will serve as an ideal incubator for extremist recruitment. Second, the metaverse will simplify fundraising and cybercrime for violent extremists. Through the usage of cryptocurrency, cybercrime, and money laundering, the metaverse will provide added layers of anonymity and prevent potential detection from law enforcement and financial institutions. Third, the metaverse affords extremists the ability to do the majority of their pre-attack planning and intelligence gathering virtually. By limiting the number of times they must visit a potential target and minimizing the time spent online conducting open-source intelligence, violent extremists will be able to operate discreetly while still maintaining a high level of efficiency. Additionally, should they gain access to the servers used by law enforcement to conduct their own virtual trainings, violent extremists will have the opportunity to develop more effective attack and contingency plans. Finally, as metaverse technology becomes more realistic, extremists can practice creating and handling explosives, weapons, and conducting attack simulations with a variety of potential disruptions or variable changes and establish methods of best practice to still achieve their key objectives.

The implications of this article indicate that the metaverse resembles Pandora’s box; the emerging technology is far more complex than our current systems can handle, and the consequences could be devastating. Therefore, academics, law enforcement agencies, government policymakers, technology companies, and other nongovernmental actors must collaborate to establish proactive research efforts, legislation, and mitigation strategies to assuage future threats posed by violent extremists in the metaverse.

*****

Joseph Levin is an NYU Alumni who graduated from the Center for Global Affairs with a concentration in Transnational Security. His academic research focused primarily on violent extremism and reconciliation efforts in post-conflict settings. During his time at NYU, Joseph served as an Associate Editor of the Global Affairs Review and was a Graduate Assistant for both Dr. Mary Beth Altier and Edward Goldberg.


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Filed Under: International Relations/Global Futures, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Private Sector, Transnational Security, Uncategorized

Op-Ed: North Korea and the Resuscitation of the Global Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime

May 14, 2023 by lc4998 Leave a Comment

by Yazan Ammus

International political events since the turn of the century have severely undermined the cause of nuclear disarmament. A deal between Washington and Pyongyang may now offer the best hope to resuscitate global non-proliferation. (Photo credit: Micha Brändli on Unsplash)

When it comes to crafting policy for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Washington policymakers must internalize Pyongyang’s understanding of modern political history, particularly given all that has transpired since the turn of the century. The international community, particularly the United States, has undermined the cause of nuclear non-proliferation through a series of actions, all of which now fuel the intransigence of the Hermit Kingdom.

The most seminal of these events: the invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Given all available evidence, it now seems more plausible that Baghdad was invaded not because it possessed weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), but as a consequence of their absence (“CIA Final Report: No WMD Found”). Former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s dismantlement of his country’s nuclear program in return for normalized political and economic relations with Europe and the U.S. was, for a time, heralded as a shining example of nuclear diplomacy (Cirincione). Like much of Libya, the positive disarmament case study would be destroyed following NATO’s military intervention in the North African State at the outset of the Arab Spring in 2011 (Bowen and Moran). The Iran nuclear deal? As a result of former U.S. president Donald Trump’s petty vindictiveness and desire to deprive his predecessor of a foreign policy legacy achievement, the agreement was scrapped, in contravention of international law, the wishes of all other parties to maintain the accord, and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) verification of Tehran’s compliance with its obligations (Smith; O’Connor).

The Russian invasion of Ukraine offers additional disastrous precedent. Not only was the Russian attack made possible as a consequence of Kyiv’s lack of WMD’s, which it gave up to its larger neighbor following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, but in the face of an impressive Ukrainian counterattack, the Russians began leveraging their nuclear arsenal in a predatory way (Cameron). Through the threat of WMDs, the Russians hoped to secure on the battlefield what they could not with conventional armaments. Tragically, the war has demonstrated not only the utility of WMDs as a defensive deterrent, but as a complementary offensive tool as well.

When examined in the context of this history, North Korean distrust of the international community is understandable. Additional geopolitical realities augment their suspicion. The isolated regime is told its nuclear program is to blame for the sanctions suffocating its economy, but in U.S.-sanctioned Venezuela, no such WMD program threatens international peace and security (Weisbrot and Sachs). If Caracas, a human rights paradise when compared to Pyongyang, can be sanctioned for its democratic deficiencies, would not the totalitarian nature of the DPRK’s government alone justify their continued economic embargo, even after disarmament? Or rather, through such policy contradictions, is the United States incentivizing the Venezuelan government to acquire WMDs, which it could then relinquish in return for economic relief?

President Joe Biden has the opportunity to rectify past errors and create an international political system conducive to nuclear non-proliferation. Reentry into the Iran nuclear deal and reducing the severity of the sanctions imposed on non-nuclear states would be critical first steps, which should be complemented by a new diplomatic effort with North Korea. 

During his tenure in office, Trump behaved recklessly, both domestically and internationally. The 45th president got very little right, but his willingness to engage in diplomacy with North Korean leader Kim Jung Un was positive. One can mock the “love letters” exchanged between the two gentlemen, but is it not better for leaders of any two nuclear states to have personal affinity rather than animus? 

Moreover, the fixation on such marginal dynamics obscures the more significant: the reflexive hawkishness that defined the foreign policy dogma of the Republican Party was, to some degree, neutered by the real estate mogul. Notwithstanding his escalation of tensions with Iran, through his negotiations with the Taliban, attempts to establish better relations with Russia, and summit with Kim, Trump brought the possibility of diplomacy with adversaries into the GOP mainstream.

Thus, without the fear of being analogized to former British prime minister Neville Chamberlain or criticized as weak by his congressional opposition, Biden should seek to build on Trump’s experience and engage in his own face-to-face summit with Kim. At the technical level, extensive discussions will be necessary but the basic contours of any agreement are well known: North Korea’s return to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the dismantling of all its nuclear weapons; removing sanctions and providing economic assistance, particularly fuel, to North Korea; normalizing political and economic relations; and formal security assurances by each side, with explicit guarantees against the threat or use of nuclear weapons. If the U.S. is serious about advancing such an effort, it would need to accept a sequential, reversible process in which some economic relief is granted prior to the complete denuclearization of the peninsula. North Korean leadership made the centrality of this demand clear at the failed Hanoi Summit (Panda and Narang).

As paranoid as the North Korean regime is, it has consistently showcased a desire to reach a comprehensive accord with the U.S. that it feels satisfies its security needs and delivers economic development. In 1994, North Korea struck the Agreed Framework agreement with the Clinton administration, in which it froze its nuclear program, agreed to stay in the NPT, and respect their commitments as an NPT signatory. American congressional opposition to the agreement impeded its implementation (Ryan). On Aug. 7, 2005, at the fourth round of the six-party talks, participants issued a joint statement in which North Korea agreed to dismantle its nuclear program, return to the NPT, and allow inspections of its sites by the IAEA in return for security guarantees, energy provisions, and normalizing relations. Disputes over the construction of a light water reactor and the imposition of fresh sanctions on North Korean banks in Macau ultimately scuttled the agreement (“North Korea: A Chronology of Events”).

If past is prologue, a deal that ends the potential for nuclear war on the divided peninsula can still be reached. The global non-proliferation regime is on life support. Only through bold action can President Biden resuscitate it.

*******

Yazan Ammus is a candidate for a Master of Science in Global Affairs at New York University, with a concentration in Transnational Security. He previously worked with the Middle East Zone Unit of the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs to advance a nuclear weapons free zone treaty in the Middle East.


Bibliography

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Cirincione, Joseph. “The World Just Got Safer. Give Diplomacy the Credit.” The Washington Post, 11 Jan. 2004, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/opinions/2004/01/11/the-world-just-got-safer-give-diplomacy-the-credit/9dcd0fb2-0ab5-4419-b127-cf44229f559b/.

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O’Connor, Tom. “Did Trump Break the Law? U.S. Leaves Iran Deal, Violates World Order and Risks War, Experts Say.” Newsweek, 9 May 2018, https://www.newsweek.com/did-trump-break-law-us-leaves-iran-deal-violates-world-order-risks-war-916173.

Panda, Ankit and Vipin Narang. “The Hanoi Summit was Doomed From the Start.” Foreign Affairs, 5 Mar. 2019, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/north-korea/2019-03-05/hanoi-summit-was-doomed-start?check_logged_in=1.

Ryan, Maria. “Why the US’s 1994 Deal With North Korea Failed – and What Trump Can Learn From It.” The Conversation, 19 July 2017, https://theconversation.com/why-the-uss-1994-deal-with-north-korea-failed-and-what-trump-can-learn-from-it-80578.

Smith, David. “The Anti-Obama: Trump’s Drive to Destroy his Predecessor’s Legacy.” The Guardian, 11 May 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/may/11/donald-trump-barack-obama-legacy.

Weisbrot, Mark and Jeffrey Sachs. “Economic Sanctions as Collective Punishment: The Case of Venezuela.” Center for Economic and Policy Research, Apr. 2019, https://cepr.net/images/stories/reports/venezuela-sanctions-2019-04.pdf.

 

Filed Under: International Law and Human Rights, International Relations/Global Futures, Opinion, Peacebuilding, Perspectives on Global Issues - Archives, Transnational Security, Uncategorized

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