By Quentin Kundert
This policy brief analyzes the 2023 Israel-Hamas war through a feminist lens, highlighting how gender inequality and the exclusion of women from peace processes contribute to insecurity. It argues that traditional IR theories fall short in explaining such conflicts, while feminist theory offers vital insights into achieving lasting peace.
On October 7, 2023, the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, most commonly referred to as Hamas, launched an unprecedented attack on Israeli territory. The raid, which took the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Israeli government by surprise, led to the death of approximately 1,200 people and the kidnapping of 250 others (Human Rights Watch). In response, Israel declared a state of war against Hamas, launching extensive bombings on the Gaza Strip and invading it (Al Jazeera). Israel also imposed a total siege on the territory, cutting off food, water, electricity, and gas supplies (UN Women). This resulted in the deaths of over 40,000 Palestinians (Al Jazeera). Both sides of the conflict have been accused by international organizations of committing war crimes (Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch). It should be noted that the conflict is not limited to Israel and Hamas, as numerous other states and non-state actors in the Middle East have been directly or indirectly involved. The continuous rocket clashes between the Iran-backed Hezbollah militia and Israel are a case in point, eventually leading to an IDF incursion on Lebanese territory at the end of September 2024 (Reuters). Without concealing the pressing humanitarian challenges that this conflict entails and the need for an immediate cease-fire, IR theories can help facilitate understanding of the broader implications of this war.
The proliferation of belligerent groups in the Middle East has disrupted conventional norms of sovereignty and statehood, posing significant challenges for traditional IR theories such as realism or liberalism (Lecocq 1070). Despite being neglected by most IR scholars, the feminist theory provides a compelling approach to these questions (Hudson et al. 41; Whitworth 112). While not limited to these claims, this approach firmly argues that gender equality, and particularly women’s participation in peace processes, is among the most effective means for achieving international and human security, if not the foremost (Hudson et al. 41). More importantly, this vision extends beyond academia, with broad and tangible implications in the political and institutional spheres. The UN Security Council’s Resolution 1325, adopted in 2000, is a landmark example of this vision being implemented in practice. It recognized the fundamental role of women in peace processes and urged states to take enforcement measures to increase women’s participation in these processes (Landmark Resolution on Women, Peace and Security (Security Council Resolution 1325).
Indeed, research has shown that gender equality serves as a significant deterrent to war, as countries with greater gender equality are less likely to resolve conflicts through violence. Additionally, gender equality also plays a fundamental role in successful post-conflict peace processes, as women’s participation increases the likelihood of long-lasting peace agreements (Council on Foreign Relations, “Women’s Participation in Peace Processes”). Considering the 2023 dramatic escalation in the Israeli-Hamas conflict, it can be argued that not only is this relevant, but it is necessary to assess the war by engaging with a feminist approach. Therefore, gender equality prior to October 7th will be assessed in both territories, as well as the extent to which women have been involved by both parties in peace processes.
In recent gender equality reports, Israel has been portrayed as “OECD’s black swan”, as it ranks lowest amongst all members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (Staff), with one of the highest gender pay gaps in the organization (OECD). This worrying trend has been decried by some of the country’s leading security think tanks (INSS), accusing the current government of systematically undermining the status of women (Baruch and Caner 1). Indeed, the decline of women’s participation in crucial decision-making is characteristic of the broader deterioration of their political representation in Israel (Baruch and Caner 1). To put it bluntly, “gender equality is not only not on [Israel’s] agenda, but in fact is perceived as undesirable” (Baruch and Caner 2).
Since the Gaza Strip is not recognized as a state, it is much harder to find accurate data on gender inequality confined to this specific territory. For instance, both the UN Development Program and the OECD’s gender inequality indices do not provide any data for the Gaza Strip or the State of Palestine altogether. Therefore, to assess gender inequality in the Gaza Strip, one would need to gather and consider numerous other gender related indices, which are mostly only available for the whole state of Palestine. That is not the scope of this article. Nevertheless, the status of Palestinian women is undeniably preoccupying, as they face significant disparities in the distribution of power and resources, along with heightened personal insecurity compared to Palestinian men (ECSWA). As a result, numerous UN bodies have repeatedly called for improvement of their status (UN Women; United Nations in Palestine).
Respectively, both entities exhibit high levels of gender inequality, but what are the implications regarding the peace-negotiation process? The Israeli–Palestinian peace negotiations process is highly representative of the broader issues regarding women’s implications in peace processes. Palestinian and Israeli women have played leading roles in grassroots peace campaigns, both in their communities and through joint efforts, notably earning an Israeli and Palestinian organization a nomination for the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize (Working Group on WPS). However, they have been systematically excluded from formal governmental peace negotiations (GPPAC). Indeed, during the 2023 intra-Palestinian reconciliation efforts in Cairo, only one woman was present, out of 54 negotiators (GPPAC). Women who were involved, as in the 1992 Oslo Accords, were restricted to “backstage” roles such as spokeswomen or secretaries (Finkel 2). Two notable exceptions stand out: Tzipi Livni, who served as Israel’s chief negotiator during several rounds of negotiations from 2007 to 2014 and Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, who acted as a negotiator for the Palestine Liberation Organization in the 1990s (Council on Foreign Relations, “Israel and the Palestinian Territories Case Study”). Both were former ministers in their respective states. Despite the significant roles they played, Livni and Dr. Ashrawi remain, as underlined above, the only two exceptions in the long history of Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation negotiations.
Consequently, what are the key takeaways to consider? It cannot be definitely claimed that greater gender equality and women’s participation in peace negotiations would have prevented the current conflict between Israel and Hamas. However, existing academic research on both topics suggests that if gender gaps were reduced, the likelihood of going to war might have been reduced as well. An optimistic, yet perhaps hypocritical, embodiment of this perspective is Bill Clinton’s words after the Oslo Accords at Camp David: “If we’d had women at Camp David, we’d have an agreement” (Finkel 21).
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Quentin Kundert is a first-year graduate student at the Center for Global Affairs with a focus on geopolitics and security, and a growing interest in statistical analysis. Outside of academics, he spends his time at the lake, in the mountains, or at the skatepark.
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