History’s Milk Flows Into Rich Hands

“A Lower east side landlord can drink his milk and have it too,” according to Neil Smith. Since Manhattan land obtained value as a way to preserve and generate wealth, the land and its resources have gradually slid further into the mouths of the wealthy. This perpetual slide has been exacerbated by the fact that land control can reshape history and drive the future. Thus, those who control land, usually the wealthy, have been directing the stream of metaphorical milk to flow in their favor for a couple centuries now. In Who Deserves Housing: The Battle for Thirteenth Street by Amy Starecheski, New City, New Frontier: The Lower East Side as wild, wild West by Neil Smith, and Defending the Cross-Subsidy Plan: The Tortoise Wins Again by Janet Abu Lughod, all three authors provide insight into the history of lower income housing in Manhattan and gentrification of the Lower East Side and East Village. Through these texts, the passing of time is shown to lend itself to development and gentrification that reshapes the geographical landscape and thus, renovates history for the rich.

The text that directly introduces the idea of changing history into myth through geography and property is Smith’s New City, New Frontier. For instance, the Christodora Condominium’s conversion from city housing to luxury condos was cited as erasing historical class struggles in Manhattan and now standing as a symbol of gentrification. Additionally, he discusses Tompkins Square Park (TSP) as a symbol for the antigentrifcation movement due to its role in united the homeless (alternatively, the evicted) and in protest. Removal of this park, or rearrangement- like in 1874 when TSP was redesigned to be more controllable- can shift the meaning of not only the space, but also the historicism in past events. What was once a park inhabited by the homeless, punks, and druggies, became a leisure space reserved for the deserving public in the daytime. Smith refers to this encroachment of space as the Frontier Myth: moving into occupied territory, pretending to discover something new, and shaping it for oneself on the principle of beneficence. Essentially, it is the domestic colonialism of Manhattan.  In the process of developing slum tenements into historic brownstones, wealthy proprietors reinvented LES punks, druggies, and poor as edgy, avant-garde chic.

Secondly, Lughod’s Defending the Cross-Subsidy Plan shows how even when groups like the JPC attempt to direct what pot the proverbial milk falls into, wealthy proprietors already control the flow. Although the JPC did have some success and stopped some gentrification of Lower Manhattan, their efforts were more or less that of a kitten meowing for milk from its owner. (Or to put more accurately, a feline hissing for milk, as they did put up a good fight.) The private developers controlled the milk flow, and the HPD ultimately had to obey, resulting in the unit credit feature of the cross-subsidy program, and thus, the dilution of the program’s benefits for low-income housing. Further, the cross-subsidy program allowed for the erection of temporary low-income housing funded by the Enterprise Foundation, which would convert the property to market rate housing after 15 years. This conversion of property is yet another example of shifting landscapes, hiding the past history of poverty from the middle and upper class looking for chic places to live.

Lastly, in Who Deserves Housing, Starecheski sheds light on a different method of historical revisionism through property occupancy, not legal ownership. Starecheski shares the stories of squatters from Thirteenth Street housing, which was mostly occupied by white, middle-class individuals from the suburbs who were alternative-based squatters. Although these squatters did not legally own the property, they occupied it for approximately a decade, which still gave them slight power to shape their own history. They had physical control of the property: their renovations, the grey door, documents citing tenant entry and exit. This allowed the Thirteenth Street squatters to weave a tale describing camaraderie of deserving, deprivation-based squatters who controlled the properties’ ins-and-outs. After all, the physical property was there to prove their story. However, their ability to completely recast history was stymied by their lack of legal ownership of the properties, which ultimately led to the defeat of the appellate court case. Legal and financial power hold the most historical sway. Money is the backbone for renovations and development in a city and thus also wields political clout. Although occupying the property gave them temporary control over the landscape, the ones who write the record books are those who can consistently own multiple properties to suit their agenda.

Even so, the squatters ability to nearly gain adverse possession of their property, despite the exaggerations and fibs told in court, shows how essential a physical testament can be to the history of what happened. Controlling the landscape, whether legally or physically, comes with the power of telling a geographical tale, and in the Lower East Side, a landlord can profit off property, and have its history too.

 

History Repeats Itself Once Again

 While reading New City, New Frontier: The Lower East Side as Wild, Wild West by Neil Smith, I noticed many of the past problems in the lower east side seem to still affect us today on a bigger scale. While describing the conflicts regarding Tompkins Square Park, I could not help but find major similarities to present day issues, such as the Black Lives Matter Movement in response to police brutality and the impact current government officials have on the lives of the homeless and underprivilege. During the 1980s riots surrounding Tompkins Square Park, Smith acknowledges the government’s abuse of power through its attempts of implementing a curfew and ridding the park of the homeless population. While these may seem like minor changes, many people viewed these rules as the governments way of promoting gentrification and showing its disregard for the poor. These beliefs were further vilified when the Mayor of New York City, Edward Koch, “described Tompkins Square Park as a ‘cesspool’ and blamed the riot on ‘anarchists’” (Smith). Furthermore, when “the head of the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association enthusiastically agreed [that] ‘social parasites, druggies, skinheads, and communist’ -an ‘insipid conglomeration of human misfits’-were the cause of the riot,’” many were rightfully outraged. (Smith). These mere two quotes show just how one sided the government can be and further proved to New Yorkers that their problems were insignificant to the government. The real reason the park was under attack was because the people who occupied the park opposed the government’s goal of further gentrifying the city. The park was made up of the underprivileged and underrepresented, which further explained why people in power showed no remorse or understanding for park activists. The government blatantly ignored the opinions of park users on what to do with Tompkins Square Park; the government put their greed before the well-being of its citizens. This disregard for the general opinion of the public reminds me of current affairs in regard to electing government officials, passing controversial laws, and deciding budgets for different government organizations. These affairs include debates about the current president, abortion laws, marijuana laws, and funding for organization targeted for helping the people (i.e. Planned Parenthood, Medicare, Medicaid, and national conservation services).

Furthermore, the brutality used to block off people from entering the park and enforcing new rules was absolutely horrid. Multiple videos from riots depict law enforcement officers beating rioters to an unnecessary extreme. The only way to properly describe these beatings is to call them abuse; an abuse of people, an abuse of resources, and an abuse of power. Smith writes, “seventeen police officers were cited for ‘misconduct’…but none were ever convicted” and that, “the police commissioner conceded that a few officers may have been a little ‘overenthusiastic’ due to ‘inexperience,’ but he clung to the official policy of blaming the victims” (Smith). It is obvious that the government and police force defended their own and covered up their mistakes instead of caring for the people injured. The excessive force used to remove and prevent people from the park was unnecessary and a perfect example of abuse of power by a government official. This correlates with the current issue of police brutality specifically towards people of color and people in the lower classes. With multiple instances of abuse and death by police officers dating back all the way to the 80s, one would think there would be a solution by now. While body cameras have been implemented to discourage police misconduct, there are multiple instances of officers turning off their body cameras or withholding the footage. When looking at the Tompkins Square riots, one would think the days of ignoring the needs of the underprivileged and covering up abuse of power are over. Sadly, this is not the case.