Sophia Opferman

Sophia Opferman, Urban Justice Center – Freedom Agenda, New York, NY
As the summer comes to a close, I continue to grapple with the relationship between reform and revolution. There are two staff community organizers at the Freedom Agenda, Edwin and Ashley, along with another college intern, Doris, who I was fortunate enough to spend time working with this summer. Many of our conversations lead back to reform and revolution. Inherent to the work of the Freedom Agenda is a belief in abolition and a fundamental disagreement with the practice of incarceration as it exists in the United States today. On the other hand, the Freedom Agenda’s work at this moment is fighting to accelerate Local Law 16, which mandates the transfer of Rikers Island land, building, and facilities to local city administration. By 2027, Rikers Island will be closed, leaving the city to establish smaller, community-run jails with increased community oversight.

This goes against many traditional lines of abolitionist thought, as many would see closing one jail in order to open a new one as a perpetuation of the system rather than an overhaul of incarceration as a whole. While it may not be explicitly abolitionist or revolutionary to close Rikers just to open another jail, the reality of this project, on the ground, would serve to cut the imprisoned population by 75% – from 14,500 on Rikers to around 2,800 across the new borough-based jails. Additionally, the new jails are subject to Local Law 194, which would amend the bill of rights for incarcerated people in New York, and would mandate improved minimum standards in jails such as access to natural light and fresh air, improved clinical spaces with 24-hour access to emergency response, heating, and air conditioning, visiting spaces that are suitable for children, at least one window in each cell, etc. Again, this may not seem explicitly revolutionist, but perhaps revolution is the sum of meaningful reforms.

On the other hand, as many who have survived Rikers know, just because there are laws in place to protect certain rights, jails and prisons across the United States are extralegal institutions with little to no oversight and the ability to abuse incarcerated people with impunity. I will continue to grapple with this reality and the question of how to affect little changes on the ground while maintaining the abolitionist mindset that recognized reforms as a drop in the ocean of what needs to be done to truly inspire a revolution.

Sophia Opferman, Urban Justice Center – Freedom Agenda, New York, NY

As the summer continues, much of my work at the freedom agenda has consisted of reaching out to potential supporters and existing members to let them know about the various opportunities to get involved with our direct action efforts to close Rikers Island. One of the opportunities that we have been encouraging people to participate in, in partnership with the Unlock the Box Campaign, is reaching out to city council representatives and asking them to support Int. 549, which aims to reform the use of solitary confinement in city jails with the hope of working towards an all-out ban.

The current policy in New York City limits solitary confinement to 15 days with a maximum of 20 days every 60 days. Int. 549 hopes to reduce these numbers further, suggesting that the department of corrections limit the use of solitary to no more than four hours total in any 24-hour period and no more than 12 hours in any seven-day period. This effort comes despite pro-solitary sentiments such as those of Mayor Eric Adams, who believes that solitary is an essential tool for controlling violence within jails, despite overwhelming scientific data suggesting that solitary exacerbates, rather than reduces, one’s propensity for violence.

Despite the importance of these laws in targeting the use of solitary and the overall condition of life behind bars, the law as it is currently written, along with Int. 549 (https://legistar.council.nyc.gov/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=5698267&GUID=6F47F49A-06A3-444C-BBB7 3CBFF899DD84&Options=ID%7CText%7C&Search=solitary) don’t seem to take into consideration the on-the-ground-reality of imprisonment in New York facilities like Rikers.

At an emergency rally held by the Freedom Agenda, along with the Jails Action Coalition, Solitary Watch, and a number of other organizations, we heard from speakers who experienced solitary confinement firsthand. One of the speakers, Candy, who uses the alias “Solitary Survivor,” told us about the more than 1000 days she spent in solitary confinement. Her testimony was heartbreaking, to say the least. Nevertheless, she believes in the power of the people to effect change, stating that she thinks of her time at Rikers as a time sent by God, one that would show her the horrors of the system so that she could lead the fight for decarceration. In the coming days, we will continue to pressure the city council to pass Int. 549 and DOC to hold their officers accountable. Direct action relies on allies in power to do their job to protect the city’s most vulnerable.

Sophia Opferman / Urban Justice Center – Freedom Agenda / New York, NY 

Going into this summer, I am thinking a lot about the role of law in system transformation. Does the law hold a significant role in this work, specifically in criminal justice and mass incarceration? Do those doing the work frequently turn to the law, or do they believe in other methods? In asking these questions, I am repeatedly reminded of the civil rights movement. We know that for decades the law in this country did not dictate an equal or just society and was complacent, if not active, in maintaining one built upon inequality and injustice. It was through nothing short of mass movements and incredible feats of organizing that the civil rights movement was able to force the law to change. Nevertheless, as we know, even in the face of legal transformation, inequality and injustice remain, as does the work of organizers and movement builders.

My first few weeks at the Urban Justice Center have been very much focused on this work. The Freedom Agenda aims to bring as many people impacted by incarceration as possible into the conversation. It seeks to center its work around them and their voices, turning to them as those who truly know the work that needs to be done. In my experience so far, this group is not a monolith, and their shared experiences and knowledge have not resulted in a single outstanding voice but calls for different outcomes and different understandings of what is possible. Some of those who I have gotten the chance to work with so far believe wholeheartedly in the possibility of closing Rikers and broader system transformation. They know firsthand what it is like to experience Riker’s, and as survivors seek to stop the cycle of abuse. For others, I sense a lot of disillusionment, despite a belief in the importance of the work.

Despite varied opinions and levels of hope, the people I am working with are far more often than not willing to do the work. They want to be involved, they want their voices to be heard, and they want to know what they can do and how they can do it. The organizers at the Freedom Agenda are also incredibly dedicated to ensuring that everyone who wants a seat at the table has one.

Criminal justice reform and broader system transformation can, and very much do, in my case, feel like daunting, if not insurmountable, tasks. It can feel like the work is just a drop in the ocean of interests that seek to maintain the status quo. For the members of the Freedom Agenda, like those of the Civil Rights Movement, this is not a deterrent, as someone must do the work. Their commitment to the work inspires me, and I hope to carry it with me throughout the summer and beyond.

Sophia Opferman /  Urban Justice Center / New York, USA

The Urban Justice Center is a non-profit advocacy and legal aid service organization based in New York City. Their organization works on several human rights-focused issues, including criminalization and incarceration, which is the primary focus of their Freedom Agenda project. The Freedom Agenda describes itself as a “member-led project, dedicated to organizing people and communities directly impacted by incarceration to achieve decarceration and system transformation.” Further, they seek to “defend the human rights of incarcerated people, divest from systems of punishment, and redistribute those resources to the people and communities that have been most harmed by mass criminalization and systemic racism.”

As touched upon in the mission of the Freedom Agenda’s work, incarceration in the United States is a form of dehumanization and one that is closely linked to structural racism. This link is well documented in The United States, where one in every three Black boys is incarcerated, compared to one in every six Latino boys and one in every 17 White boys. Criminalization and incarceration are not only issues of race, however, considering that once behind bars, incarcerated individuals of all races are subjected to inhumane conditions through which they are denied access to fundamental human rights such as nutritional food, sanitary conditions, access to education, and freedom from solitary confinement.

Further, the dehumanizing factor of incarceration does not end with release from prison, as formerly incarcerated individuals in American society continue to face limitations on their freedom and access to their rights following reentry. Such limitations include denial of voting rights, housing inaccessibility or insecurity, and the inability to pass a background check, severely limiting job opportunities.

In pursuing this fellowship and a partnership with the Urban Justice Center, I  hope to continue my research into the structuralization of racial inequality through mass incarceration. Specifically, I am interested in understanding the law’s part in this structuralization. How has the law been used to codify injustice? And how has this led to the rise of mass incarceration in the contemporary moment? What are the possibilities and limitations of the law as a remedy for structural racial inequality? Is the law the most effective approach? What avenue(s) if not the law? My summer project will seek to unpack these questions and develop an understanding of the best ways to mobilize for the human rights of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated citizens.